Foucault, Bakhtin, Ethnomethodology: Accounting for Hybridity in Talk-in-Interaction

Posted in Articles, Identity Development/Psychology, Media Archive, Philosophy, Social Science, United Kingdom, Women on 2012-01-02 02:31Z by Steven

Foucault, Bakhtin, Ethnomethodology: Accounting for Hybridity in Talk-in-Interaction

Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research
Volume 8, Number 2, Article 10
May 2007
18 pages

Shirley Anne Tate, Senior Lecturer and Director of Studies
Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Studies
University of Leeds

Theorising hybridity within Postcolonial Studies is often done at a level which seems to exclude the everyday with the exception of its relevance for the cultural productions of migrants and dominant culture’s “eating the other”. This article uses the exploration of hybridity as an everyday interactional achievement within Black “mixed race” British women’s conversations on identity to look at the production of an analytic method as process based on the task of the analyst as translator. This method as process thinks the links between FOUCAULT and BAKHTIN in the emergence of an ethnomethodologically inclined discourse analysis (eda) which is called on to make sense of a hybridity of the everyday where Black women reflexively translate discourses on identity positions in order to construct their own identifications in conversations. FOUCAULT’s discourses and BAKHTIN’s heteroglossia and addressivity allow us to theorise this movement in the talk which ethnomethodological transcription and theory enables us to first pinpoint occurring. The article begins by looking at first, how hybridity as identification emerges in talk-in-interaction through both speaker and analyst translations. Having established this, it then goes on to look at the theoretical convergences and divergences between FOUCAULT and BAKHTIN on the subject, identity and discourses in the eda enterprise. Looking at data through the lens of eda means that we must be aware of the subject positions which speakers identify as having the effect of constraining or facilitating particular actions and experiences and there is always the possibility for challenge to subjectification.

Table of Contents

  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Method as Process—Talk, Hybridity, Translation
  • 3. Blurring the Line Between Theory and Story
  • 4. Discourses, Translation as Reflexivity and Dialogism in Talk on Identification
  • 5. FOUCAULT and BAKHTIN—”Race”, Discourses and Dialogics
  • 6. FOUCAULT and BAKHTIN: Ethnomethodology, Discourse Analysis and the Membership Category “Black Woman”
  • 7. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
  • Author
  • Citation

Read the entire article here or here.

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Racism and skin colour: the many shades of prejudice

Posted in Articles, Media Archive, Social Science on 2012-01-01 22:33Z by Steven

Racism and skin colour: the many shades of prejudice

The Guardian
2011-10-04

Bim Adewunmi

Deeply entrenched attitudes towards colour, and the increasing promotion of skin-lightening products, are placing a ‘horrible burden’ on dark-skinned women

Next week, at the international black film festival in Nashville, Bill Duke and D Channsin Berry will premiere their new documentary, Dark Girls. The film looks at the everyday experiences of dark-skinned black women in America. The blurb from the official site promises the directors will “[pull] back our country’s curtain to reveal that the deep-seated biases and hatreds of racism—within and outside of the black American culture—remain bitterly entrenched”.

When the film-makers released a preview of Dark Girls in May, it spread like wildfire across social media sites and black entertainment blogs. Commenters wrote about being moved to tears by the nine minutes of film they’d seen and many mentioned how long in coming such a film was. Why did the documentarians decide to tackle this subject and why now? For Duke, a veteran of Hollywood—co-star of Car Wash and Predator—it was down to personal experience. “It came from me being a dark-skinned black man in America, and also observing what [dark-skinned] relatives like my sister and niece have gone through. The issue exists externally of our race, but a lot of it comes within the race itself and our perception of ourselves.” Berry recalls being called “darkie” at elementary school by his fellow classmates, “and even some family members were like: ‘He is really dark. Why is he so dark?’ It left a scar. So when Bill came to me, within the first couple of seconds, I was on board.”

Shadism lurks in our collective peripheral vision and rears its ugly head every so often. Earlier this year, there was a Twitter storm over a promotional flyer for a party in Ohio whose theme was “Light Skin vs Dark Skin”. In May, the Afro Hair and Beauty show in London had a stall advertising and selling skin-lightening products. The stall was called Fair and White. In an interview with black newspaper the Voice, the co-organiser of the show, Verna McKenzie, said that she had “a responsibility to cater to the marketplace”. Two years ago, makeup giant L’Oréal was accused of lightening the skin of singer Beyoncé in ads (it denied the claim), and last year, Elle magazine was accused of doing the same to actor Gabourey Sidibe (it said “nothing out of the ordinary” had been done to the photograph). Last month, a study conducted at Villanova University in Pennsylvania found that lighter-skinned women were more likely to receive shorter prison sentences than darker-skinned women, receiving approximately 12% less time behind bars…

Heidi Safia Mirza, professor of equalities studies in education at the Institute of Education, University of London, says: “Pigmentocracy in the Caribbean as a kind of social hierarchical system emulated from the slave days where there was favouritism if you were fairer, particularly if you were a woman.” Mirza, who has been conducting her own research looking at young black and minority ethnic women in schools, tells the story of a Sierra Leonean teenager who reported being made fun of because of her very dark skin. “It was not uncommon for dark-skinned girls to be vilified and teased and called names like ‘blick’, which means ‘blacker than black’.”

Debbie Weekes-Bernard, senior research and policy analyst for education at the Runnymede Trust, wrote Shades of Darkness, a report on the way “darker-skinned girls reflect upon themselves against lighter-skinned (in this case mixed-parentage) girls” as part of her PhD. The subjects were girls between the ages of 12 and 16…

Read the entire article here.

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Were the riots about race?

Posted in Articles, Economics, Interviews, Law, Media Archive, Politics/Public Policy, Social Science, United Kingdom on 2012-01-01 18:57Z by Steven

Were the riots about race?

The Guardian
2011-12-08

Reading the Riots: Investigating England’s summer of disorder
In partnership with the London School of Economics
Supported by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and the Open Society Foundations

Hugh Muir, Diary Editor

Yemisi Adegoke, Freelance Journalist

Some commentators were quick to call them ‘race riots’, but the true picture was more complicated

Amid the chaos and confusion of this summer’s riots, a few commentators felt the benefit of certainty. “These riots were about race. Why ignore the fact?” chided the Telegraph columnist Katharine Birbalsingh. Abroad, there seemed no need for deeper reflection. “Over 150 arrested after London hit by huge race riots,” said one US business website. “Let’s talk about those race riots in London,” urged talkshow hosts in New Zealand. Those on the other side of the debate could appear just as certain. “This is not about race at all,” Max Wind-Cowie of the left-leaning thinktank Demos told the Huffington Post

…Of the 270 rioters interviewed by the Guardian and the LSE, 50% were black, 27% were white, 18% of mixed race and 5% Asian…

Read the entire article here.

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Racial Politics in Contemporary Brazil

Posted in Anthologies, Books, Brazil, Caribbean/Latin America, History, Identity Development/Psychology, Media Archive, Politics/Public Policy, Slavery, Social Science on 2011-12-31 22:27Z by Steven

Racial Politics in Contemporary Brazil

Duke University Press
1999
232 pages
9 tables
Paperback ISBN: 978-0-8223-2272-6
Cloth ISBN: 978-0-8223-2252-8

Edited by

Michael Hanchard, Professor of Political Science and African American Studies
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland

Bringing together U.S. and Brazilian scholars, as well as Afro-Brazilian political activists, Racial Politics in Contemporary Brazil represents a significant advance in understanding the complexities of racial difference in contemporary Brazilian society. While previous scholarship on this subject has been largely confined to quantitative and statistical research, editor Michael Hanchard presents a qualitative perspective from a variety of disciplines, including history, sociology, political science, and cultural theory.

The contributors to Racial Politics in Contemporary Brazil examine such topics as the legacy of slavery and its abolition, the historical impact of social movements, race-related violence, and the role of Afro-Brazilian activists in negotiating the cultural politics surrounding the issue of Brazilian national identity. These essays also provide comparisons of racial discrimination in the United States and Brazil, as well as an analysis of residential segregation in urban centers and its affect on the mobilization of blacks and browns. With a focus on racialized constructions of class and gender and sexuality, Racial Politics in Contemporary Brazil reorients the direction of Brazilian studies, providing new insights into Brazilian culture, politics, and race relations.

This volume will be of importance to a wide cross section of scholars engaged with Brazil in particular, and Latin American studies in general. It will also appeal to those invested in the larger issues of political and social movements centered on the issue of race.

Table of Contents

  • Introduction / Michael Hanchard
  • Free African Brazilians and the State in Slavery Times / Richard Graham
  • Black Cinderella? Race and the Public Sphere in Brazil / Michael Hanchard
  • Ethnic Boundaries and Political Mobilization among African Brazilians: Comparisons with the U.S. Case / Edward E. Telles
  • Racial Democracy and Racial Identity: Comparing the United States and Brazil / Howard Winant
  • Miguel Reale and the Impact of Conservative Modernization on Brazilian Race Relations / Michael Mitchell
  • Women and Racial Inequality at Work in Brazil / Peggy A. Lovell
  • Notes on Racial and Political Inequality in Brazil / Carlos Hasenbalg and Nelson do Valle Silva
  • The Black Movement and Political Parties: A Challenging Alliance / Benedita da Silva
  • My Conscience, My Struggle / Thereza Santos
  • Blacks and Political Power / Ivanir dos Santos
  • Contributors
  • Index
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Race, Ethnicity and Football: Persisting Debates and Emergent Issues

Posted in Anthologies, Books, Media Archive, Social Science, United Kingdom on 2011-12-31 20:40Z by Steven

Race, Ethnicity and Football: Persisting Debates and Emergent Issues

Routledge
2011-03-29
288 pages
Hardback ISBN: 978-0-415-88205-7

Edited by:

Daniel Burdsey, Senior Lecturer of Sociology
Chelsea School of Sport
University of Brighton

As the first edited collection dedicated specifically to race, ethnicity and British football, this book brings together a range of academics, comprising both established commentators and up-and-coming voices. Combining theoretical and empirical contributions, the volume will addresses a wide variety of topics such as the experiences of Muslims, the recruitment of African players, devolution and national identities, case studies of minority ethnic clubs, “mixed-race” players, multiculturalism and anti-racism, sectarianism, education, and foreign club ownership. Covering the both amateur and professional spheres, and focusing on both players and supporters, the book elucidates the linkages between race, ethnicity, gender and masculinity.

Contents

  • Introduction
    • 1. They Think It’s All Over…It Isn’t Yet! The Persistence of Structural Racism and Racialised Exclusion in Twenty-First Century Football Daniel Burdsey
  • Racialised Exclusions and ‘Glocal’ Im/mobilities
    • 2. ‘Dark Town’ and ‘A Game for Britishers’: Some Notes on History, Football and ‘Race’ in Liverpool John Williams
    • 3. Is Football the New African Slave Trade? Colin King
    • 4. Football, Racism and the Irish David Hassan and Ken McCue
  • Contested Fields and Cultural Resistance
    • 5. Racisms, Resistance and New Youth Inclusions: The Socio-Historical Development and Shifting Focus of Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic Football Clubs in Leicester Steven Bradbury
    • 6. What is Rangers Resisting Now? ‘Race’, Resistance and Shifting notions of Blackness in Local Football in Leicester Paul Campbell
    • 7. British Muslim Female Experiences in Football: Islam, Identity and the Hijab Aisha Ahmad
  • ‘New’ Ethnicities and Emergent Communities
    • 8. Flying the Flag for England? National Identities and British Asian Female Footballers Aarti Ratna
    • 9. Mixing Up the Game: Social and Historical Contours of Black Mixed Heritage Players in British Football Mark Christian
    • 10. ‘Tough Talk’, Muscular Islam and Football: Young British Pakistani Muslim Masculinities Samaya Farooq
  • The Cultural Politics of Fandom
    • 11. The Limits to Cosmopolitanism: English Football Fans at Euro 2008 Peter Millward
    • 12. ‘Wot, No Asians?’: West Ham United Fandom, the Cockney Diaspora and the ‘New’ East Enders Jack Fawbert
    • 13. ‘They Sing That Song’: Sectarianism and Conduct in the Informalised Spaces of Scottish Football John Flint and Ryan Powell
  • Equity, Anti-Racism and the Politics of Campaigning
    • 14. Negative Equity? Amateurist Responses to Race Equality Initiatives in English Grass-Roots Football Jim Lusted
    • 15. Football, Racism and the Limits of ‘Colour Blind’ Law: Revisited Simon Gardiner and Roger Welch
    • 16. Marrying Passion with Professionalism: Examining the Future of British Asian Football Kuljit Randhawa
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Hypodescent: A history of the crystallization of the one-drop rule in the United States, 1880-1940

Posted in Dissertations, History, Law, Media Archive, Social Science, United States on 2011-12-30 19:41Z by Steven

Hypodescent: A history of the crystallization of the one-drop rule in the United States, 1880-1940

Princeton University
September 2011
383 pages
Publication Number: AAT 3480237
ISBN: 9781124939179

Scott Leon Washington

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY RECOMMENDED FOR ACCEPTANCE BY THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY

This dissertation examines the crystallization of the one-drop rule in the United States between 1880 and 1940. The “one-drop rule” is a colloquial expression, a phrase which reflects the belief that a person bearing a trace of African ancestry (literally, a single drop of black or Negro “blood”) is black. Historians and social scientists have tended to assume that, as a principle of classification, the one-drop rule can be traced back to the institution of slavery. This study provides a different account. Using a variety of methods, it attempts to explain how the one-drop rule developed, when it became institutionalized, and why. It also adopts a new approach to the study of race, ethnicity, and nationalism, an approach based largely although by no means exclusively on the work of Pierre Bourdieu. The study in its present form has been limited to five chapters. Chapter One explores the origins and development of the one-drop rule, while Chapter Two provides a detailed reading of the case of Plessy v. Ferguson. Chapter Three provides a quantitative account of the country’s history of anti-miscegenation legislation, while Chapter Four examines the role lynching played in the South as a means of social demarcation. The study ends in Chapter Five with a brief synopsis, an inquiry into the relationship between slavery and democracy, and a nonpartisan look at the legacy of the one-drop rule.

Contents

  • Abstract
  • Maps and Figures
  • Tables
  • Preface
  • Acknowledgements
  • I. Introduction: A Prehistory of the Present
    • 1.1. An American Anomaly
    • 1.2. The Origins and Development of the One-Drop Rule
    • 1.3. An Outline of the Argument
    • 1.4. Words about Words
    • 1.5. References
  • II. The Blood of Homer Plessy
    • 2.1. Introduction
    • 2.2. Digression: The Virtues of Virtual History
    • 2.3. The Wider Context
    • 2.4. Plessy v. Ferguson: Background Information
    • 2.5. The Tourgée Brief
    • 2.6. The Majority Opinion
    • 2.7. Counterfactual Scenario
    • 2.8. Plausibility Defense
    • 2.9. Conclusion
    • 2.10. References
  • III. Crossing the Line
    • 3.1. Introduction
    • 3.2. A Brief History of Laws Prohibiting Interracial Sex and Marriage
    • 3.3. Trends in Anti-Miscegenation Activity
    • 3.4. Data and Methods
    • 3.5. Results
    • 3.6. Discussion
    • 3.7. Conclusion
    • 3.8. References
    • 3.9. Appendix
  • IV. The Killing Fields Revisited: Lynching and Anti-Miscegenation Legislation in the Jim Crow South, 1882-1930
    • 4.1. Introduction
    • 4.2. Lynching: Background Information
    • 4.3. Anti-Miscegenation Legislation: Background Information
    • 4.4. The Strange Career of Judge Lynch: A Review of the Literature
    • 4.5. Data and Methods
    • 4.6. Results
    • 4.7. Discussion
    • 4.8. Conclusion
    • 4.9. References
  • V. Conclusion: The Legacy of the One-Drop Rule
    • 5.1. Permanence and Change
    • 5.2. Synopsis
    • 5.3. Slavery and Democracy
    • 5.4. A Final Note
    • 5.5. References

Maps and Figures

  • 3.1A. Colonies Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1776
  • 3.1B. States and Territories, Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1861
  • 3.1C. States and Territories, Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1877
  • 3.1D. States Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1938
  • 3.1E. States Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1967
  • 3.2A. Anti-Miscegenation Activity, 1619-2000
  • 3.2B. Anti-Miscegenation Activity, Excluding Significant Cases, 1619-2000
  • 3.3A. Anti-Miscegenation Bills Defeated, 1913
  • 3.3B. Anti-Miscegenation Bills Defeated, 1927
  • 3.4A. Statutory Definitions, 1861
  • 3.4B. Statutory Definitions, 1877
  • 3.4C. Statutory Definitions, 1938
  • 3.5A. Statutory Penalties, 1861
  • 3.5B. Statutory Penalties, 1877
  • 3.5C. Statutory Penalties, 1938
  • 3.6. Punishments Against Secondary Parties, 1938
  • 3.7. Racial Coverage of Laws Prohibiting Miscegenation, 1938
  • 3.8. Appellate Litigation Concerning Definitions of Race, 1776-2000
  • 3.9A-G. Severity of Definitions, 1880-1940
  • 3.10A-G. Severity of Penalties, 1880-1940
  • 4.1. Lynching and Anti-Miscegenation Legislation in the Jim Crow South, 1882-1930
  • 4.2. Lynching and Anti-Miscegenation Legislation in the Jim Crow South, Integrated Trends, 1882-1930
  • 4.3. The Moving Effects of Anti-Miscegenation Activity and the Constant Dollar Price for Cotton, 1882-1930
  • 5.1. Percent of Americans Marrying Out of Race, 1970-2000
  • 5.2A. Percent of Whites Marrying Out of Race, 1880-2000
  • 5.2B. Percent of Blacks Marrying Out of Race, 1880-2000
  • 5.3A. Percent of Whites Marrying Out of Race, Adjusting for Relative Numbers in the Population, 1880-2000
  • 5.3B. Percent of Blacks Marrying Out of Race, Adjusting for Relative Numbers in the Population, 1880-2000
  • 5.4. Percent within Categories Reporting Two or More Races, 2000

TABLES

  • 1.1. The Longue Durée of the One-Drop Rule, 1619-2000
  • 3.1. Percent of Colonies, Territories, and States Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1776-1967
  • 3.2A. Anti-Miscegenation Activity, 1619-2000
  • 3.2B. Anti-Miscegenation Activity, Excluding Significant Cases, 1619-2000
  • 3.3A. Average Severity of Definitions, 1861, 1877, 1938
  • 3.3B. Average Severity of Definitions, Excluding States without Definitions, 1861, 1877, 1938
  • 3.4A. Average Severity of Penalties, 1861, 1877, 1938
  • 3.4B. Average Severity of Penalties, Excluding States without Penalties, 1861, 1877, 1938
  • 3.5. Expected Relationships
  • 3.6. ARMA (1,1) Regression of Anti-Miscegenation Activity on Selected Variables
  • 3.7. ARMA (1,1) Regression of Severity of Definitions on Selected Variables
  • 3.8. ARMA (1,1) Regression of Severity of Penalties on Selected Variables
  • 3.9. Racial Categories Used by the United States Census Bureau, 1880-1940
  • 3.10. Growth of the Decennial Census, 1880-1940
  • 3.11A. Significant Cases, 1810-1894
  • 3.11B. Significant Cases, 1895-1972
  • 4.1. ARMA (1,1,1) Regression of Black Lynchings on Selected Variables
  • 4.2. ARMA (1,1) Regression of Black Lynchings on Selected Variables
  • 4.3. The Impact of Anti-Miscegenation Activity and the Market for Southern Cotton Before and After 1900
  • 5.1. Percent of Americans Marrying Out of Race, 1970-2000
  • 5.2. Black-White Intermarriage Rates, 1970-2000
  • 5.3. Total Population by Number of Races Reported, 2000
  • 5.4. Percent within Categories Reporting Two or More Races, 2000
  • 5.5. Multiple-Race Population, 2000

Purchase the dissertation here.

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Psychology Major Publishes Analysis of Racial Dynamics in the Wizarding World

Posted in Articles, Campus Life, Identity Development/Psychology, Media Archive, Social Science, United States on 2011-12-30 02:27Z by Steven

Psychology Major Publishes Analysis of Racial Dynamics in the Wizarding World

James Madison University, Harrisonburg, Virginia
Department of Psychology
2011-10-20

Jordan Pye

When a fan asked her about the political allegories in her book series, Harry Potter author J.K. Rowling said, “I wanted Harry to leave our world and find exactly the same problems in the wizarding world.”

By exploring this idea, one senior psychology student, Christina Thai, put her love for Harry Potter to use in a comparison of how societies perceive people of mixed racial backgrounds. Her work will be published in “A Wizard of Their Age: Critical Essays from the Harry Potter Generation,” a compilation by students who applied concepts in the series to their own fields of study. Thai’s chapter is called “Harry Potter and Blood Status: A Psychological Look at Blood Stratification in the Wizarding World,” which she compares the racial dynamics in Harry Potter’s wizarding world to the historical relationship between European Americans and African Americans in the United States…

…Thai, a native of Fairfax, Va. with a second major in biology, found inspiration for the topic during her first semester of research in the Cultural and Racial Diversity Studies lab with Dr. Matthew Lee. After studying racial identity and discrimination, Thai built upon alumnus Candace Vanderpoel’s honors thesis research on hypodescent among African Americans and Asians. This concept is the belief that a bi-racial person has both minority and majority race heritage, but their minority identity overshadows their majority status, so their community considers them a minority.

Thai translated this idea to social hierarchy in the Harry Potter series, where witches and wizards of “pure blood” descent have a higher status than Muggles, who have no magical heritage, and the “mudbloods,” who have a mix of wizard and Muggle parents. Harry himself had a wizard father and a witch mother who was born a Muggle. Thai mainly focused on Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows, the last book in the series where Voldemort assumes power of the Ministry of Magic and enacts laws that promote pure blood status and discriminate against Muggles and mudbloods…

Read the entire article here.

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African American Community Building in Atlanta: A Guide to the Study of Race in America

Posted in Articles, History, Media Archive, Social Science, United States on 2011-12-29 03:35Z by Steven

African American Community Building in Atlanta: A Guide to the Study of Race in America

Southern Spaces
An interdisciplinary journal about regions, places, and cultures of the U.S. South and their global connections
2004-03-17

Carole Merritt, Director
The Herndon Home, Atlanta, Georgia

The development of the African American community in Atlanta is a fruitful subject for the study of race in America. Racial policy and practice in response to emancipation and the failures of reconstuction were evolving in Atlanta during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Blacks and Whites in a rapidly growing city made for a volatile mix of people and sharply conflicting agendas. The size and structure of the African American community and the nature of its business and institutional development reveal sharply the problems of race in the leading city of the New South.

Sections:

  • Introduction
  • Context
  • Community Development
  • Business Enterprise
  • Study Focus/Issues
  • Recommended Resources

Introduction: Defining the Subject

 “The problem of the twentieth century,” W. E. B. Du Bois wrote one hundred years ago, “is the problem of the color-line.” He was referring to the worldwide hierarchy of race that places lighter people over darker people. As educator, writer, and political activist he dedicated his life to the struggle for racial equality. But long before his death in exile, sixty years later on the eve of the civil rights March on Washington, Du Bois knew well that the color line would divide the world through the twenty-first century and, more likely, for centuries to come.
 
As race has been a persistent problem, so too has the study of race. The difficulty of confronting the pain and guilt of racial conflict has made race a virtually taboo topic of discussion and an elusive subject of study. The constantly changing racial references are telling examples of the ongoing difficulties in addressing race in this country. “We shall,” wrote teacher Leila Amos Pendleton, “as a rule speak of ourselves as “Negroes” and always begin the noun with a capital letter.” Recognizing, however, that in 1912 the word was considered by some a term of contempt, she hoped that in time “our whole race will feel it an honor to be called ‘Negroes’.” From the use of “colored” and “Negro” to “African American,” “Black,” and “Bi-racial,” the problem of naming and being named has reflected the struggles of the racial order. From “integration” of the 1950s through “maximum feasible participation” of the 1960s, to “diversity” of the present, the shifting terminology reveals the persistent problem of confronting race in public policy. But study promises clarity, forcing us to be explicit. Building effective frameworks for research may in time better structure private dialogue and public policy. This research guide is part of such an effort. It seeks to clarify terms, narrate critical developments, define issues, and identify relevant sources of information.
 
The focus of this research guide is the African American community in Atlanta during the twentieth century. From the perspective of a specific community in a particular place at a critical period, studying race becomes more manageable and gains depth. Since race is pervasive in American society, a wide variety of topics and research strategies would be fruitful for study. The development of the African American community in Atlanta, however, is a particularly fruitful subject for the study of race. Racial policy and practice in response to emancipation and the failures of reconstruction were evolving in Atlanta during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Blacks and Whites in a rapidly growing city made for a volatile mix of people and sharply conflicting agendas. The size and structure of Atlanta’s African American community and the nature of its business and institutional development reveal sharply the problems of race in the leading city of the New South. The research guide addresses the context within which the African American community evolved, highlights the community’s development, and assesses the impact of race…

Bi-racial and Bi-ethnic Atlanta

Until recent decades, Atlanta’s population, like that of the South, has been almost exclusively Black and White. Moreover, because Black labor and the racial climate tended to discourage large numbers of immigrants, Atlanta’s foreign-born population was only 3% at the turn of the century. Race in America, particularly in the South, has tended to override ethnicity. Race and ethnicity, however, overlap. Both terms incorporate ancestry, geographical origins, and cultural traits. By this definition Whites and Blacks belong to ethnic groups as well as to racial groups. In the South they were primarily of British and African ethnicity. There is a critical distinction, however, between race and ethnicity that informs the study of race in America. One’s ethnicity, unlike one’s race, can change. The acculturation of America’s Scotch-Irish, for example, has transcended their ethnicity. But race for the subordinate group is immutable. It is the biological given that generation after generation, in spite of any racial mixture or cultural assimilation, is never dissolved. Black ancestry, however distant or minimal, permanently identifies its descendants as Black. The immutability of Black racial identity is at the core of racism. White supremacy depends upon White racial purity. The absolute standard of White over Black would be subverted and unenforceable were Blacks allowed to breed out of their race.

The South, therefore, is hardly ethnically homogeneous as is often maintained. Only if the African American presence is ignored can one conclude that the South lacks ethnic diversity. Indeed, the South as a region is defined by its diversity, racial and ethnic. The biracial and bi-ethnic character that flows from British and African ancestry has driven the South, its politics, economics, and culture. The Atlanta story tells how American racism rose to new heights with the system of Jim Crow and how that system operated as both constraint and opportunity in the development of the city’s African American community.

The Rise of Jim Crow
 
Although the Civil War overturned slavery, another system of racial domination was developed to replace it. Jim Crow, as it came to be called, reached its full flowering in Southern cities like Atlanta by the turn of the twentieth century. In the rural areas, the cotton economy ensured continuities in the control of Black life and labor. But in the city, where there were no such economic continuities, it was necessary to find new ways to secure White supremacy. And in a city like Atlanta where commerce and industry were in their infancy and where Black and White migrants were at times in competition for the same jobs and living space, Black subordination had to be institutionalized in law and custom. Jim Crow legislation reflected the failures of reconstruction as Whites were restored to political power and the controls of slavery were extended. The prohibition of marriage between Whites and Blacks was one of the first pieces of legislation that sought to protect the very heart of White supremacy. Making interracial marriage illegal denied to mixed race children all claims to White property and, more significantly, to White identity. The codes that restricted property ownership and the vagrancy laws that permitted forced labor were other early attempts to maintain the controls of slavery. The White-only primary and the institution of voter qualifications guaranteed Black disfranchisement. Blacks were subjected to racially segregated schools, streetcars, libraries, restaurants and parks. The urban environment created new opportunities for the application of Jim Crow. Atlanta relegated Blacks to separate elevators. The new zoo at Grant Park provided separate entrances, exits and pathways for Blacks and Whites. Atlanta became the first Georgia city to legislate segregation in residential areas. There was virtually no area of Black life that was not restricted by Jim Crow…

Read the entire article here.

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Race Problems in America

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Media Archive, Social Science, United States on 2011-12-29 02:27Z by Steven

Race Problems in America

Science Magazine
Volume 29, Number 752 (1909-05-28)
pages 839-849
DOI: 10.1126/science.29.752.839

Franz Boas

The development of the American nation through amalgamation of diverse European nationalities and the ever-increasing heterogeneity of the component elements of four people have called attention to the anthropological and biological problems involved in this process. I propose to discuss here these problems with a view of making clear the hypothetical character of many of the generally accepted assumptions. It will be our object to attempt a formulation of the problens, and to outline certain directions of inquiry, that promise a solution of the questions involved, that, at the present time, can not be answered with scientific accuracy. It is disappointing that we have to accept this critical attitude, because the events of our daily life bring before our eyes constantly the grave issues that are based on the presence of distinct types of man in our country, and on the continued influx of heterogeneous nationalities from Europe. Under the pressure of these events, we seem to be called upon to formulate defnite answers to questions that require the most painstaking and unbiased investigation. The more urgent the demand for final conclusions, the more needed is a critical examination of the phenomena and of the available methods of solution…

…I think we have reason to be ashamed to confess that the scientific study of these questions has never received the support either of our government or of any of our great scientific institutions; and it is hard to understand why we are so indifferent towards a question which is of paramount importance to the welfare of our nation. The anatomy of the American negro is not well known; and, notwithstanding the oftrepeated assertions regarding the hereditary inferiority of the mulatto, we know hardly anything on this subject. If his vitality is lower than that of the fullblooded negro, this may be as much due to social causes as to hereditary causes. Owing to the very large number of mulattoes in our country, it would not be a difficult matter to investigate the biological aspects of this question thoroughly; and the importance of the problem demands that this should be done. Looking into a distant future, it seems reasonably certain that with the increasing mobility of the negro, the number of fullbloods will rapidly decrease; and since there is no introduction of new negro blood, there can not be the slightest doubt that the ultimate effect of the contact between the two races must necessarily be a continued increase of the amount of white blood in the negro community. This process will go on most rapidly inside of the colored community, owing to intermarriages between mulattoes and full-blooded negroes. Whether or not the addition of white blood to the colored population is sufficiently large to counterbalance this leveling effect, which will make the mixed bloods with, a slight strain of negro blood darker, is difficult to tell; but it is quite obvious, that, although our laws may retard the influx of white blood considerably, they can not hinder the gradual progress of intermixture. If the powerful caste system of India has not been able to prevent intermixture, our laws, which recognize a greater amount of individual liberty, will certainly not be able to do so; and that there is no racial sexual antipathy is made sufficiently clear by the size of our mulatto population. A candid consideration of the manner in which intermixture takes place shows very clearly that the probability of the infusion of white blood into the colored population is considerable. While the large body of the white population will always, at least for a very long time to come, be entirely remote from any possibility of intermixture with negroes, I think that we may predict with a fair degree of certainty a condition in which the contrast between colored people and whites will be less marked than it is at the present time. Notwithstanding all the obstacles that may be laid in the way of intermixture, the conditions are such that the persistence of the pure negro type is practically impossible. Not even an excessively high mortality and lack of fertility among the mixed type, as compared with the pure types, could prevent this result. Since it is impossible to change these conditions, they should be faced squarely, and we ought to demand a careful and critical investigation of the whole problem…

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Obama’s story resonates in racially diverse Brazil

Posted in Articles, Barack Obama, Brazil, Caribbean/Latin America, Media Archive, Politics/Public Policy, Social Science, United States on 2011-12-27 22:49Z by Steven

Obama’s story resonates in racially diverse Brazil

Washington Post
2011-03-18

Juan Forero, Staff Writer

RIO DE JANEIRO — Brazil is a big gumbo of ethnicities, its people proud of their diversity and confident their country is among the most tolerant of nations. But this country—a leading center of black culture—has never had a black president.

So like many Brazilians, Carlos Jose Melo said he would eagerly turn out for President Obama when he tours the country’s signature city on Sunday, a day after meeting with President Dilma Rousseff in Brasília.

Melo has spent most of his life in favelas, Rio’s rough-and-tumble shantytowns, which were first settled by former slaves and dirt-poor soldiers.

“In Brazil, we have all kinds of culture, people, and our inner identity comes from black people,” said Melo, 47, a drug abuse counselor in City of God, a favela Obama is expected to visit on Sunday. “That’s why I think Obama is important for the world, because a poor guy suddenly becomes the most important man in the world.”

Obama’s story—the humble beginnings and the rise to prominence and power—is familiar here. And so is his race, which has struck a chord in a country with the world’s second-largest black population, after Nigeria.

…T-shirt dealer Dilci Aguiar de Paula, who is black and has worked at the base of Sugar Loaf for 25 years, said she can hardly contain her excitement.

“He is a president the whole world likes, a black president,” she said. “I would give him a hug. I would tell him he is a good president.”…

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