Hypodescent: A history of the crystallization of the one-drop rule in the United States, 1880-1940

Posted in Dissertations, History, Law, Media Archive, Social Science, United States on 2011-12-30 19:41Z by Steven

Hypodescent: A history of the crystallization of the one-drop rule in the United States, 1880-1940

Princeton University
September 2011
383 pages
Publication Number: AAT 3480237
ISBN: 9781124939179

Scott Leon Washington

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY RECOMMENDED FOR ACCEPTANCE BY THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY

This dissertation examines the crystallization of the one-drop rule in the United States between 1880 and 1940. The “one-drop rule” is a colloquial expression, a phrase which reflects the belief that a person bearing a trace of African ancestry (literally, a single drop of black or Negro “blood”) is black. Historians and social scientists have tended to assume that, as a principle of classification, the one-drop rule can be traced back to the institution of slavery. This study provides a different account. Using a variety of methods, it attempts to explain how the one-drop rule developed, when it became institutionalized, and why. It also adopts a new approach to the study of race, ethnicity, and nationalism, an approach based largely although by no means exclusively on the work of Pierre Bourdieu. The study in its present form has been limited to five chapters. Chapter One explores the origins and development of the one-drop rule, while Chapter Two provides a detailed reading of the case of Plessy v. Ferguson. Chapter Three provides a quantitative account of the country’s history of anti-miscegenation legislation, while Chapter Four examines the role lynching played in the South as a means of social demarcation. The study ends in Chapter Five with a brief synopsis, an inquiry into the relationship between slavery and democracy, and a nonpartisan look at the legacy of the one-drop rule.

Contents

  • Abstract
  • Maps and Figures
  • Tables
  • Preface
  • Acknowledgements
  • I. Introduction: A Prehistory of the Present
    • 1.1. An American Anomaly
    • 1.2. The Origins and Development of the One-Drop Rule
    • 1.3. An Outline of the Argument
    • 1.4. Words about Words
    • 1.5. References
  • II. The Blood of Homer Plessy
    • 2.1. Introduction
    • 2.2. Digression: The Virtues of Virtual History
    • 2.3. The Wider Context
    • 2.4. Plessy v. Ferguson: Background Information
    • 2.5. The Tourgée Brief
    • 2.6. The Majority Opinion
    • 2.7. Counterfactual Scenario
    • 2.8. Plausibility Defense
    • 2.9. Conclusion
    • 2.10. References
  • III. Crossing the Line
    • 3.1. Introduction
    • 3.2. A Brief History of Laws Prohibiting Interracial Sex and Marriage
    • 3.3. Trends in Anti-Miscegenation Activity
    • 3.4. Data and Methods
    • 3.5. Results
    • 3.6. Discussion
    • 3.7. Conclusion
    • 3.8. References
    • 3.9. Appendix
  • IV. The Killing Fields Revisited: Lynching and Anti-Miscegenation Legislation in the Jim Crow South, 1882-1930
    • 4.1. Introduction
    • 4.2. Lynching: Background Information
    • 4.3. Anti-Miscegenation Legislation: Background Information
    • 4.4. The Strange Career of Judge Lynch: A Review of the Literature
    • 4.5. Data and Methods
    • 4.6. Results
    • 4.7. Discussion
    • 4.8. Conclusion
    • 4.9. References
  • V. Conclusion: The Legacy of the One-Drop Rule
    • 5.1. Permanence and Change
    • 5.2. Synopsis
    • 5.3. Slavery and Democracy
    • 5.4. A Final Note
    • 5.5. References

Maps and Figures

  • 3.1A. Colonies Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1776
  • 3.1B. States and Territories, Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1861
  • 3.1C. States and Territories, Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1877
  • 3.1D. States Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1938
  • 3.1E. States Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1967
  • 3.2A. Anti-Miscegenation Activity, 1619-2000
  • 3.2B. Anti-Miscegenation Activity, Excluding Significant Cases, 1619-2000
  • 3.3A. Anti-Miscegenation Bills Defeated, 1913
  • 3.3B. Anti-Miscegenation Bills Defeated, 1927
  • 3.4A. Statutory Definitions, 1861
  • 3.4B. Statutory Definitions, 1877
  • 3.4C. Statutory Definitions, 1938
  • 3.5A. Statutory Penalties, 1861
  • 3.5B. Statutory Penalties, 1877
  • 3.5C. Statutory Penalties, 1938
  • 3.6. Punishments Against Secondary Parties, 1938
  • 3.7. Racial Coverage of Laws Prohibiting Miscegenation, 1938
  • 3.8. Appellate Litigation Concerning Definitions of Race, 1776-2000
  • 3.9A-G. Severity of Definitions, 1880-1940
  • 3.10A-G. Severity of Penalties, 1880-1940
  • 4.1. Lynching and Anti-Miscegenation Legislation in the Jim Crow South, 1882-1930
  • 4.2. Lynching and Anti-Miscegenation Legislation in the Jim Crow South, Integrated Trends, 1882-1930
  • 4.3. The Moving Effects of Anti-Miscegenation Activity and the Constant Dollar Price for Cotton, 1882-1930
  • 5.1. Percent of Americans Marrying Out of Race, 1970-2000
  • 5.2A. Percent of Whites Marrying Out of Race, 1880-2000
  • 5.2B. Percent of Blacks Marrying Out of Race, 1880-2000
  • 5.3A. Percent of Whites Marrying Out of Race, Adjusting for Relative Numbers in the Population, 1880-2000
  • 5.3B. Percent of Blacks Marrying Out of Race, Adjusting for Relative Numbers in the Population, 1880-2000
  • 5.4. Percent within Categories Reporting Two or More Races, 2000

TABLES

  • 1.1. The Longue Durée of the One-Drop Rule, 1619-2000
  • 3.1. Percent of Colonies, Territories, and States Prohibiting Interracial Sex or Marriage, 1776-1967
  • 3.2A. Anti-Miscegenation Activity, 1619-2000
  • 3.2B. Anti-Miscegenation Activity, Excluding Significant Cases, 1619-2000
  • 3.3A. Average Severity of Definitions, 1861, 1877, 1938
  • 3.3B. Average Severity of Definitions, Excluding States without Definitions, 1861, 1877, 1938
  • 3.4A. Average Severity of Penalties, 1861, 1877, 1938
  • 3.4B. Average Severity of Penalties, Excluding States without Penalties, 1861, 1877, 1938
  • 3.5. Expected Relationships
  • 3.6. ARMA (1,1) Regression of Anti-Miscegenation Activity on Selected Variables
  • 3.7. ARMA (1,1) Regression of Severity of Definitions on Selected Variables
  • 3.8. ARMA (1,1) Regression of Severity of Penalties on Selected Variables
  • 3.9. Racial Categories Used by the United States Census Bureau, 1880-1940
  • 3.10. Growth of the Decennial Census, 1880-1940
  • 3.11A. Significant Cases, 1810-1894
  • 3.11B. Significant Cases, 1895-1972
  • 4.1. ARMA (1,1,1) Regression of Black Lynchings on Selected Variables
  • 4.2. ARMA (1,1) Regression of Black Lynchings on Selected Variables
  • 4.3. The Impact of Anti-Miscegenation Activity and the Market for Southern Cotton Before and After 1900
  • 5.1. Percent of Americans Marrying Out of Race, 1970-2000
  • 5.2. Black-White Intermarriage Rates, 1970-2000
  • 5.3. Total Population by Number of Races Reported, 2000
  • 5.4. Percent within Categories Reporting Two or More Races, 2000
  • 5.5. Multiple-Race Population, 2000

Purchase the dissertation here.

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Making Multiracials: State, Family, and Market in the Redrawing of the Color Line

Posted in Anthropology, Books, Economics, Family/Parenting, Identity Development/Psychology, Media Archive, Monographs, Politics/Public Policy, Social Science, United States on 2009-10-29 03:28Z by Steven

Making Multiracials: State, Family, and Market in the Redrawing of the Color Line

Stanford University Press
2007
280 pages
3 tables, 2 figures, 4 illustrations.
Cloth ISBN-10: 0804755450; ISBN-13: 9780804755450
Paper ISBN-10: 0804755469; ISBN-13: 9780804755467

Kimberly McClain DaCosta, Associate Professor
Gallatin School of Individualized Study, New York University

When in 1997 golfer Tiger Woods described his racial identity on Oprah as “cablinasian,” it struck many as idiosyncratic. But by 2003, a New York Times article declared the arrival of “Generation E.A.”—the ethnically ambiguous. Multiracial had become a recognizable social category for a large group of Americans.

Making Multiracials tells the story of the social movement that emerged around mixed race identity in the 1990s. Organizations for interracial families and mixed race people—groups once loosely organized and only partially aware of each other—proliferated. What was once ignored, treated as taboo, or just thought not to exist quickly became part of the cultural mainstream.

How did this category of people come together? Why did the movement develop when it did? What is it about “being mixed” that constitutes a compelling basis for activism? Drawing on extensive interviews and fieldwork, the author answers these questions to show how multiracials have been “made” through state policy, family organizations, and market forces.

Table of Contents

  • Tables, Figures and Photos
  • Acknowledgements
  • The Making of a Category
  • Becoming a Multiracial Entrepreneur: Four Stories
  • Making Multiracial Families
  • Creating Multiracial Identity and Community
  • Consuming Multiracials
  • Redrawing the Color Line?: The Problems and Possibilities of Multiracial Families and Group Making
  • Appendix A: List of Respondents
  • Appendix B: Methodology
  • Appendix C: Situating Multiracial Group Making in the Literature on Social Movements, Race, and the Work of Pierre Bourdieu
  • Notes
  • Bibliography
  • Index

For the press release, click here.
For an excerpt of chapter 2, click here.

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