Film retells Lovings’ love story

Posted in Articles, History, Law, Live Events, New Media, United States, Videos, Virginia on 2012-02-06 21:38Z by Steven

Film retells Lovings’ love story

The Free Lance-Star
Fredericksburg, Virginia
2012-02-06

Jonas Beals

Mildred and Richard Loving were probably the last people you would expect to make legal history, but in 1967 they won a U.S. Supreme Court case that nullified laws against interracial marriage in Virginia and the 15 other states that still banned miscegenation. And it happened in Caroline County.

Their story has become legend in certain legal and civil rights circles, but their historic ordeal is less well known to younger generations and people in other areas of the country. That’s about to change.

HBO will première “The Loving Story” on Valentine’s Day—Feb. 14.

The producers have been screening the film across the country, and on Saturday they brought it home. Friends, family and admirers packed the auditorium of the Caroline County Community Services Center. The screening ended with a standing ovation.

The documentary, directed by Nancy Buirski, is mostly made up of black-and-white footage shot by Hope Ryden in 1965 and black-and-white photos taken by Life magazine photographer Grey Villet, also in 1965…

Read the entire article here.

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‘The Loving Story’ to premiere in Caroline County

Posted in Articles, History, Law, Live Events, Media Archive, United States, Virginia on 2012-02-06 16:28Z by Steven

‘The Loving Story’ to premiere in Caroline County

The Free Lance-Star
Fredericksburg, Virginia
2012-02-04

Jonas Beals

Caroline County will get the red-carpet treatment Saturday evening.

HBO, Comcast and the American Civil Liberties Union of Virginia are hosting an invitation-only screening of the new HBO documentary “The Loving Story” at the Caroline County Community Services Center.

The film tells the story of Mildred and Richard Loving, an interracial couple from Caroline County who married in 1958, only to be arrested and convicted of violating Virginia’s anti-miscegenation laws. Their case eventually made it to the U.S. Supreme Court, where their victory ended laws against interracial marriage across the country

Read the entire article here.

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Monstrous Sex: The Erotic in Naomi Mitchinson’s Science Fiction

Posted in Articles, Literary/Artistic Criticism, Media Archive, Women on 2012-02-06 03:34Z by Steven

Monstrous Sex: The Erotic in Naomi Mitchinson’s Science Fiction

Michigan Feminist Studies
Volume 16 (2002): Deviance

Sarah Shaw

“Oh fuck sex!” replied celebrated science-fiction novelist Naomi Mitchison (1897-1999) when Jill Benton, one of her biographers, asked for her views on the topic during the 1980s. Despite Mitichison’s attempts to move the discussion of her body of work from the salacious, it is the frank and open inclusion of sexuality that continues to intrigue her critics and reviewers. Racy, heated passages of Mitchison’s historical novels inspired comment from poet W.H. Auden in the 1930s. And, a reviewer of her first science fiction novel, Memoirs of a Spacewoman (1962), expressed distaste for “an attention to physical details often eyebrow-raising to a mere male.” Benton, Mitchison’s biographer, interprets the author’s dismissive response as a mischievous provocation. I intend to demonstrate that the ribald sexuality of Mitchison’s work registers as more than merely provocative. Sexual encounters between female characters and aliens, as well as those between women, threaten an imperialising capitalism that dictates who may be loved in a gendered, racialised order. Given the constraints of capitalist socialisation, sex must either be marginalised as a private leisure activity or function as a commodified industry. Interspecies, or monstrous, sex in Mitchison’s science fiction connects a woman’s scientific work and public identity with satisfying sexuality over a period of months in a deviant erotic that cannot be separated from life.

Mitchison, as Donna Haraway emphasises, came from the world that produced the Darwins and the Huxleys: a world of “sexual experimentation; political radicalism; unimpeded scientific literacy; literary self-confidence; a grand view of the universe from a rich, imperialist, intellectual culture—these were Mitchison’s birthright.” (1995, 88). Mitchison’s continued focus upon the sexual, particularly female sexuality, grounds this investigation because she illustrates how women’s sexual pleasure both reflects and produces the political. While we credit the feminist movement of the 1970s with birthing the influential mantra “the personal is political,” Mitchison’s science fiction demonstrates a much earlier engagement with precisely that relationship. Additionally, Mitchison during her sixties to her eighties, during the years of her life when we assume in this culture that members of society somehow lose interest in sex and sexuality, still published subversive, progressive and provocative science fiction. While I focus upon the 1962 novel Memoirs of a Spacewoman in this essay, Mitchison’s other late novels, such as Solution Three (1975) and Not By Bread Alone (1983), share a similar preoccupation with female sexuality. These subversive revisions of female sexuality are still relevant in the new millennium. As science fiction writer Ursula K. Le Guin noted in a commendation of Solution Three, it “could have been written yesterday, and will certainly be read tomorrow.”  Because of attention to female sexuality in Mitchison’s science fiction, her work has been read as an exception to the “viciously militaristic…and deeply misogynistic and patriarchal” rule of the genre during the 1960s. Yet rather than feminist writers of science fiction such as Charlotte Perkins Gilman in the US or Katharine Burdekin and Charlotte Haldane, her own sister-in-law, in the UK, Mitchison understood moralists and prophets including William Morris, HG Wells and Olaf Stapledon as her precursors. Despite the arguably masculinist tradition of thought to which Mitchison credits her intellectual instruction, she always positioned feminist concerns within her conversation. For example, with Stapledon, during the 1930s, she had “discussed everything from growing potatoes to world politics and back again, but mostly science fiction.” She cautioned him against presenting ideas which would further patriarchal ideology.

This kind of critical engagement makes Mitchison a foremother within the feminist movement. However, I want to focus upon a set of specific contributions that Mitchison makes to the discussion of female sexuality: her ability to connect in prism-like fashion interracial sexual relations, mother-child intimacy, and female autoeroticism through the lens of female eroticism. Female sexuality not oriented toward men’s pleasure persists as an aberration in our social fabric (what Mitchison represents as monstrous) to the point where touch and affection between women in public may provoke verbal or physical abuse. While adult women’s sexuality is celebrated in magazines that discuss how to look sexy (by buying the right clothes and cosmetics), how to please yourself (by shopping for the right dildo or anal beads, or the right book), and how to give perfect head or achieve perfect penetration, “for many women the erotic is not an integral part of who they experience themselves to be but an attribute they can create in the right circumstances.” And it is this crucial distinction between sexuality and the erotic that distinguishes Mitchison’s work. Whereas women’s sexuality merely responds, the erotic initiates or constitutes women’s position within society. Were the erotic to pervade our lives at a deep level, were we to become sexual beings in any circumstances rather than only “the right circumstances,” then who knows what the consequences might be? In a 1980 interview, Audre Lorde insists “it is in the interest of a capitalist profit system for us to privatize much of our experience,” but “the erotic weaves throughout our lives, and integrity is a basic condition that we aspire to…I do not believe that sexuality is separate from living.” As a Black lesbian feminist, Lorde knows how women’s sexuality has been defined as monstrous and worthy of eradication because of racism, sexism, heterosexism and homophobia. I argue that what Mitchison’s represents as monstrous sexual relations in her science fiction is the erotic. Furthermore, it is the erotic that appears as deviant within the dominant social register…

Miscegenation Blues, a collection of writing by more than forty women of mixed racial heritage, some of whom were born in the early 1960s, explores issues of identity, loyalty and belonging within cultures divided by histories of racialised domination. Divergent and often painful accounts from the melting pot problematise celebrations of hybridity in which racial mixing is envisaged as the normal state and desirable future of humanity. Editor Carol Camper sees such a goal as naïve, since it “leaves the race work up to the mixed people and it means the annihilation of existing racial groups and our entire histories and cultures as though we are obsolete.” A history of European invasion and domination of what are now Africa, the Americas, Australia and parts of Asia makes these objections readily comprehensible. Views of the hegemony of US culture dominated by values inherited from the European tradition, appropriation of ethnic or cultural differences in the service of commerce, and assertions of the dependency of the First World on over-developed countries make them prudent.

It is instructive to ask how we have been mixing our races ever since the notion of race was consolidated somewhere around the sixteenth century and to recall the history of rapes, lynchings, illegalities and minute categorisations of admixtures of wrong-coloured blood (as if blood is Black or White) involved in these combinations. Racial discrimination in education, housing, employment, health care and legal systems still weighs heavily on those labelled Black and other, as Jayne O. Ifekwunigwe emphasises in her examination of manufactured identities and social inequality. Ifekwunigwe concludes that it is, “the persistence of this same bi-racialised hatred that gives salience and lends credence to Black as a political affiliation for métis(se) people.” Yet arguments that races and cultures should not mix but remain distinct only reinforce systems of racialised economic domination. Hazel Carby, who argues that structures of dominance form everyone as a racialised subject and that we should always recognise the normative category of Whiteness which forms and excludes racialised others, also emphasises cultural complexity rather than purity and calls for desegregation of apartheid systems of housing and education.

The genre of science fiction, in which not only technological but also social norms are transgressed as a matter of course, allows Mitchison to make the relationship between Mary and T’o, and the birth of their “curly, coffee-coloured daughter,” explicitly unremarkable. After a childhood during which she accepted her mother’s “great worship of the British Empire,” Mitchison learned to question the racism that partly formed her. Travelling in the USA in 1935, with Zita Baker, she met Black and White people working together in the Southern Tenant Farmers’ Union in Memphis.She thought about colonialism and racism, and reviewed novels such as George Lamming’s In the Castle of my Skin.  In 1956 she visited Egypt and in 1957 West Africa, where she heard Kwame Nkrumah speak in Ghana. In 1960, at her home in Carradale, Scotland, she met Linchwe, Paramount Chief designate of the Bakgatla, an ethnic group of present-day Botswana. Invited by him to the tribal village of Mochudi, she was acknowledged in 1963 as a “mother of the tribe.” Her enthusiasm for Black Africa resulted in her being banned from the Republic of South Africa under apartheid. The future imagined in Memoirs of a Spacewoman displays Mitchison’s desire for the eradication of racial discrimination…

Read the entire article here.

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Obama, Blackness, and Postethnic America

Posted in Articles, Barack Obama, Media Archive, Politics/Public Policy, Social Science on 2012-02-06 00:45Z by Steven

Obama, Blackness, and Postethnic America

The Chronicle of Higher Education
2008-02-29

David A. Hollinger, Preston Hotchkis Professor of American History
University of California, Berkeley

The Obama candidacy challenges our notions of identity politics

In their support for Hillary Rodham Clinton over Barack Obama, prominent black leaders have made it clear that black skin color itself is not as big a deal in American politics as it once was. The spectacle of John Lewis, Charles B. Rangel, and Andrew Young, among others, trying to persuade black Americans to vote for a white woman rather than the first black man with a real chance at the White House is a striking example of how the Obama campaign has become a postethnic phenomenon.

There are plenty of other signs as well. In a society long accustomed to a sharp black-white color line — and to relying on the rule of “one drop of black blood” to locate that line — commentators are discussing the choices of identity available to the mixed-race Obama. In a recent video on The New York Times Web site, Glenn C. Loury and John H. McWhorter, two prominent black intellectuals, casually reviewed Obama’s range of options. Yet it was not so long ago that the lightskinned Colin Powell declared matter-of-factly: “When you look like me, you are black.”…

…Obama’s mixed ancestry, however, is not what most generates the new uncertainty about blackness. Much more important is the fact that his black ancestry is immigrant rather than American-born. Before getting to that, however, let me clarify the postethnic flavor of the support for Clinton on the part of a substantial segment of the black political establishment…

Read the entire article here.

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Black Is a Multiracial Country

Posted in Articles, History, Identity Development/Psychology, Media Archive, Social Science, United States on 2012-02-05 04:51Z by Steven

Black Is a Multiracial Country

The Atlantic
2011-02-15

Ta-Nehisi Coates, Senior Editor

Tami [Tamara Winfrey Harris] finds out she’s 30 percent white. This changes nothing:

So, now, after discovering that I am 70 percent sub-Saharan African with cultural ties to Balanta and Fula peoples in Guinea-Bissau, the Mende people in Sierra Leone, and the Mandinka people in Senegal… that I am part of Haplogroup L1b, one of the oldest female lineages on Earth… and that I am also 30 percent European…Who am I now?

Well… the same person I was before. I am a black American woman with all the rich, cultural history that implies. Thirty percent European biogeographical ancestry (likely derived through oppression and sexual violence), doesn’t change my identity. I don’t think 60 percent European ancestry would change my identity. I am a black American—my culture is my culture. I would also add that learning more about my African roots doesn’t make me Senegalese or Fula or Mende. I am a black American—my culture is my culture.

I’ve been thinking about my response to the whole beiging of America story, and part of it is premised on the arguments, but I think another part (and perhaps the deepest part) is premised on my own understanding of identity. I haven’t been tested, but I recently “discovered” that some generations back I also had “white” ancestors. My response was basically the same as Tami’s—I’m black…

…The point here is that when we discuss a “beiging of America” as though it’s new, it really ignores the fact that beige people are as old this country. But sometime in the 17th century, for rather embarrassing reasons, we decided to call them “black.” Therein is the diabolical lesson of American racism. Prejudice is arbitrary. There are no fixed, natural rules that say who is in and who is out. As soon as the people change, given a good reason, “race” and “racism” change with it…

Read the entire article here.

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Race, Forgetting, and the Law

Posted in Articles, Book/Video Reviews, Law, Media Archive, United States on 2012-02-05 03:24Z by Steven

Race, Forgetting, and the Law

The Atlantic
2010-07-30

Sara Mayeux

Peggy Pascoe’s What Comes Naturally: Miscegenation Law and the Making of Race in America is a tour-de-force of archival research, bringing to light countless criminal prosecutions, civil cases, and bureaucratic decisions through which miscegenation laws were enforced not just in the South but throughout the nation; and not just in the deep past, but well into my parents’ lifetimes; and not just between blacks and whites but between blacks and whites and Japanese and Filipinos and Mexicans….. the list could go on. The book spans the 1860s through the 1960s, with a focus on the less-well-known story of race-based marriage laws in the Western states, including California.

Throughout, Pascoe is attentive not just to ideologies of race but also to ideologies of gender, and the complex interactions between them. This history is not, she insists, simple, and “interracial couples should be relieved of the burden of having to stand as one-dimensional heroes and heroines.” Many, like the now-famous Lovings, wanted mostly to be left alone. “Mr. Cohen,” Richard Loving told his Supreme Court advocate, “tell the Court I love my wife, and it is just unfair that I can’t live with her in Virginia.”

One of Pascoe’s themes is the role that forgetting plays in the law. In the years immediately following the Civil War, some state courts had upheld interracial marriages (typically in cases involving a white husband whose privileges and property rights the courts wanted to protect), and some states had repealed their antebellum anti-miscegenation laws. But this was all quickly forgotten. After legislators had reinstated the laws and judges had overturned or simply abandoned the earlier rulings, bans on interracial marriage came to seem, to almost everyone, “natural” and “traditional,” the way it had always been…

Read the entire review here.

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Plein Air: Mapping Mary Ann Armstrong

Posted in Articles, History, Media Archive, Tri-Racial Isolates, United States on 2012-02-05 01:28Z by Steven

Plein Air: Mapping Mary Ann Armstrong

Terrain.org: A Journal of the Built & Natural Environments
Number 24 (Fall/Winter 2009)

Deborah Fries, Editorial Board Member

The first time I saw her picture, I wanted to know everything about her. 

I wanted to know where she’d lived before she married my great, great grandfather in 1859.  I wanted to know what her parents, Mariah and William G. Armstrong, looked like; whether William G. had been a planter in Tyrrell County, North Carolina, or a yeoman farmer.  I wanted to know which of Mary Ann’s six children looked like her, rather than their eagle-featured father, Edward Parisher.  I wanted to know why she looked so very serious.

All of that wanting began in 2000, when distant relative and genealogical researcher Mark Bateman sent me a scanned photo of my great, great grandparents, along with a generous amount of his own Parisher family research.   And even though I’ve gathered a little more information, even had my mitochondrial DNA tested, most days I’m sure that I’ll never have enough facts to salvage historical certainty out of the shipwreck of fantasy.

Instead, I’ll have a breeches bucket of images: smoke rising from decaying peat in the Great Dismal Swamp; moss hanging from a pecan tree in a sandy yard; dogs sleeping in the shade of a magnolia; the ghosts of torn-down farmhouses and tobacco barns; rows of corn bending under hurricane winds; gold-rimmed English paste ware sitting on a sideboard.  A wide-cheek-boned woman in a lace collar frozen in her ante-bellum portrait, a man with a long goatee beside her.  I’ll be left with mysteries and wish-based assumptions, and an impressionistic synthesis of how my own family illustrates the rich history of the people who have lived on the south shore of the Albemarle Sound for more than 400 years..

Long after I opened the envelope from Mark that contained the photos of Mary Ann Armstrong and Edward Parisher, as well as scanned tintypes of two of their six children, I remained intrigued by the racial ambiguity of my great, great grandmother.  In 2008, I ordered a test kit from the research firm with the largest DNA database, sure that my matrilineal line would escort me back to Mary Ann’s genes and provide definitive conclusions. Was she biracial?  Triracial?  In all census records, she and her parents are listed as White, a mono-racial identity the picture seems to belie.  Mark had heard she was “part Indian.”  The molecular test results, I expected, would be oracular…

…Mary Ann’s appearance and information about her planter paternal line raised new questions.  Recently, I’ve been able to pose some of those questions to Dr. Arwin Smallwood, a University of Memphis history professor whose work in eastern North Carolina maps the entwined lives of Native, African, and European Americans from first contact to the present.

Smallwood, author of Bertie County, An Eastern Carolina History and The Atlas of African-American History and Politics: From the Slave Trade to Modern Times, as well as other scholarly works, grew up about 30 miles northwest of my maternal family’s farmstead.  Triracial himself, he is currently overseeing additional research projects in eastern North Carolina.   If anyone would understand the social permutations that were negotiated over hundreds of years in that region, and reflected in the picture of  my great, great grandmother, it would be Dr. Smallwood…

Read the entire article here.

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Origin Traditions of American Racial Isolates: A Case of Something Borrowed

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, History, Media Archive, Tri-Racial Isolates, United States on 2012-02-04 18:25Z by Steven

Origin Traditions of American Racial Isolates: A Case of Something Borrowed

Appalachian Journal
Volume 11, Number 3 (Spring 1984)
pages 201-213

David Henige
University of Wisconsin, Madison

Beginnings have an irritating but essential fragility and one that should be taken to heart by all who occupy themselves with history.
Pierre Teilhard de Chardin

There are many groups of localized, isolated peoples scattered throughout the eastern United States. Generally they are varying mixtures of white, black, and Indian, and this composite quality has contributed both to their distinctiveness and to perceptions of their origins. Like many other oral cultures, such as those of Africa and Oceania, these groups perceived their distant past as being characterized by constant large-scale migrations, because most traditions denied autochthonous origins and spoke instead of the movement(s) of ancestors into their present locale.

In the past few years most (though not yet quite all) historians who use oral historical materials have become convinced that while ideas and products may have moved over long distances more or less freely, as a rule people did not. It may be useful, therefore, to examine the traditions of origin of four of the so-called racial isolates of the eastern United States, for these permit some direct comparisons between the earliest available documentary sources, later traditions, and learned speculation. At the same time they throw interesting light on the interplay between practical expediency and changing points of view in the matter of origins.

Today the so-called Guineas number about 7,000 people who reside primarily in Barbour and Taylor counties in West Virginia. The name (or rather epithet) Guinea seems not to be of their own devising but has been applied to them by neighbors as a convenient all-purpose pejorative. The Guineas themselves resent the implication of black blood. So it is both surprising and unaccountable that members of the Guinea community have developed theories of the group’s origins which seek to explain the hated…

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The New Black

Posted in Articles, Canada, Literary/Artistic Criticism, Media Archive on 2012-02-04 18:09Z by Steven

The New Black

The National Post
Toronto, Canada
The Afterword: Postings from the literary world
2012-02-03

Donna Bailey Nurse

The day after the Giller Awards I had breakfast with a friend at the Four Seasons Hotel in Toronto. The ceremony had been held there the night before and as I savoured my bagel and lox we discussed Esi Edugyan’s thrilling win for Half-Blood Blues.
 
“She seemed genuinely surprised,” said my friend, who was describing the event, for she had attended the gala and I had not. “She looked gorgeous. Her dress was amazing. Oh look,” she broke off, “there she is!”
 
I turned in my chair to see Edugyan and her husband, Steven Price, being seated at the table behind me. What good luck. I had been hoping to catch up with her at some point to congratulate her in person. Happily, here she was…

Half-Blood Blues, like Lawrence Hill’s The Book of Negroes, has become a bestseller. Some critics are surprised by the wide appeal of these two books, but it makes sense to me. Black stories are popular because they touch on two concerns close to every human heart: the desire for acceptance, to feel as though we belong; and the desire to be free to be who we are meant to be. Black Canadian stories feel quintessentially Canadian. The early novels of Austin Clarke, for example, started a vigorous discussion of hyphenated identities — the idea that we are either Irish-Canadian or Italian-Canadian or black-Canadian or Asian-Canadian, and that being Canadian means being two things (at least) at once.
 
As a literature of the diaspora, black Canadian novels are destined to make their mark: They articulate a language for black experience in an ostensibly post-racial world. Currently, African-American writers and black British writers — and black writers practically everywhere — are attempting to express what it means to be black in a world that claims race doesn’t matter. In this, black Canadian writers have been given a huge head start: Canada has always professed colour blindness…

…Bi-racial heritage is emerging as this literature’s dominant theme. Half-Blood Blues, Lawrence Hill’s Any Known Blood and Kameleon Man are all titles that allude to its significance. Even The Polished Hoe concerns a heroine that is black but looks white. Nearly every major character in Half-Blood Blues is mixed race; not only Afro-German Heiro, but also Sid, who is undoubtedly descended from a slave woman and her master. Chip, as it turns out, may possess Native-American blood.
 
Mixed heritage proves a wonderfully fruitful symbol. It is sometimes used to scrutinize the bi-racial dilemma of being caught between duelling cultures. Or it may address the anxiety fair-skinned blacks may feel about whether or not to pass for white. It can symbolize the struggle of black Canadians to reconcile the African and European aspects of their culture. A turbulent interracial romance may represent the overall challenges of race relations. Bi-racial anxiety and alienation lie at the heart of Half-Blood Blues. Altogether,  the title refers to a song the band records, the characters themselves, and a world where few accept that we are all at least two things at once…

Read the entire article here.

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The Birth of Physical Anthropology in Late Imperial Portugal

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Europe, History, Literary/Artistic Criticism, Media Archive on 2012-02-04 03:05Z by Steven

The Birth of Physical Anthropology in Late Imperial Portugal

Current Anthropology
Volume 53, Number S5, April 2012
13 pages

Gonçalo Santos, Senior Research Fellow
Max-Planck-Institut für Ethnologische Forschung

In this article I analyze the emergence of the field of physical anthropology in the metropolitan academic sphere of the Portuguese Empire during the late nineteenth century. I suggest that Portugal’s relatively peripheral position combined with a complex internal conjuncture of political instability and economic impotence gave early Portuguese physical anthropology a less explicitly “colonial” orientation than in other, more central Western European imperial powers. I describe the various national and international exchanges leading to the birth of this naturalist anthropological tradition at the University of Coimbra, drawing particular attention to the foundational role played by the technological assemblage of large osteological collections aimed at the study of the somatic characteristics of the metropolitan “white” population. I situate these technical developments in the context of wider sociocultural and politico-economic processes of both “nation building” and “empire building.” These processes had a strong effect on the kinds of questions asked and the kinds of answers that seemed compelling and acceptable to early physical anthropologists.

This article is about a long-standing tradition of scientific imagination concerned with “the systematic study of human unity-in-diversity” (Stocking 1983:5): the anthropological tradition. I focus on the emergence of a particular field of inquiry within this very broad scholarly tradition, but I analyze this process from the perspective of a peripheral arena of scientific production within the Western European core: the metropolitan academic sphere of the Portuguese Empire during the late nineteenth century. I suggest that this relatively peripheral condition combined with a complex historical conjuncture of internal political and economic crises gave early Portuguese physical anthropology a less explicitly “colonial” orientation than in other, more central Western European imperial powers. This started to change in the 1930s with the rise of a powerful dictatorial regime—Salazar’s Estado Novo—that supported the emergence of a “colonial anthropology” strongly oriented, at least until the 1950s, toward the field of physical anthropology.

The development of the discipline of physical anthropology started in Western Europe at the end of the eighteenth century and spread to other parts of the world during the second half of the nineteenth century. This process of discipline building produced a remarkable degree of international consistency, but it also engendered considerable variations, especially before the second half of the twentieth century (Blanckaert 2009; Dias 2005; Stocking 1988; Zimmerman 2001). As the editors of this supplemental issue of Current Anthropology note, these disciplinary variations remain poorly studied outside core Western European and North American areas, and this article joins recent calls to rethink the history of anthropology more inclusively (Handler 2000; Kuklick 2008) and to focus on diversity in world anthropological production (Cardoso de Oliveira 2000; Krotz 1997; L’Estoile, Neiburg, and Sigaud 2005; Ribeiro and Escobar 2006).

My contribution to this “world anthropologies” agenda is to bring to the surface a little-known Western European perspective on the origins of modern anthropology and the discipline of physical anthropology. In clear contrast to the American anthropological tradition and its four-field approach, the Portuguese anthropological tradition—as I show elsewhere (Santos 2005)—was built on two different but closely intertwined variants of anthropological research. One was more culturalist—focusing on “people,” “language,” and “customs”—and the other was more naturalist—focusing on “race,” “body,” and “fossils.” It was from within this naturalist camp that emerged in the late nineteenth century the first studies of “physical anthropology.” As in the French context (Jamin 1991; see also Blanckaert 1988, 1995, 2009), this early tradition of physical anthropology was so prominent that it was often labeled with the unmodified term “anthropology” (antropologia) and contrasted to its other half, “ethnology” (etnologia)—the ancestor of modern social-cultural anthropology and modern archaeology…

…Before plunging into an analysis of such disciplinary transformations in late nineteenth-century Portugal, I would like to give a brief account of what happened to the entire field of anthropological production from the early twentieth century onward so as to make more explicit the linkages between my “archaeological exploration” and the contemporary anthropological scene.

After a very short-lived First Republic (1910–1926), the dictatorial regime established in 1933 proved very stable and long-lasting but had a very negative effect in the academic sphere. This authoritarian regime repressed freedom of speech, rejected liberal economic reforms, and set out to build a Third Empire in Africa. Anthropologists did not oppose this enterprise and were called on to produce useful “colonial knowledge.” Physical anthropologists—most of whom still espoused a holistic conception of the discipline—played a salient role in this process. By and large, their work offered “scientific” support to the regime’s colonial rhetoric, which emphasized the civilizing mission of the Portuguese imperial expansion and opposed racial miscegenation (Pereira 2005; Santos 2005; Thomaz 2005).

This rhetoric started to change in the post–World War II period, and the major intellectual figure behind the new official ideology was the great Brazilian anthropologist Gilberto Freyre, whose work on the formation of Brazilian society praised the allegedly humanistic nature of the Portuguese colonial endeavor and civilizing engagement with miscegenation (Castelo 1999; Vale de Almeida 2002). This new official rhetoric again constrained the work of anthropologists, but it was more in tune with the liberal antiracialist and cultural relativist anthropology that became internationally dominant in the post–World War II period (Vale de Almeida 2002, 2008). Starting in the 1960s, there emerged increasing epistemological and institutional divides between physical-biological and social-cultural anthropologists, and the latter gained the upper hand in colonial affairs (Pereira 2005)…

Read the entire article here.

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