Mixed Race Studies

Challenges and Resilience in the Lives of Multiracial Adults: The Development and Validation of a Measure

Nazish M. Salahuddin

University of Maryland, College Park
2008
141 pages

Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2008

The purpose of the present study was to develop and validate the Multiracial Challenges and Resilience Scale (MCRS). The MCRS is a measure of the types of challenges (i.e., Others’ Surprise/Disbelief Reactions, Lack of Family Acceptance/Understanding, Multiracial Discrimination, Feelings of Disconnection from Family and Friends) and resilience (i.e., Appreciation of Human Differences, Multiracial Pride) experienced by Multiracial adults. Participants (N = 317) included a national sample of individuals who identified their biological parents as representing two or more different racial groups. All participants resided in large metropolitan areas within the continental United States at the time of data collection. Data were collected through the use of an internet survey containing the MCRS and measures used to assess convergent and discriminant validity. Internal consistency estimates of subscales ranged from .76 to .83. Convergent validity was supported through positive relations of the Challenge subscales with depression and positive relations of the Resilience scales with self-esteem. Discriminant validity was supported through the absence of correlations between the Challenges scales and Orderliness and lack of relationship between the Resilience scales and Social Desirability. Directions for future research and the limitations of this study are discussed.

Table of Contents

• Acknowledgments
• Table of Contents
• List of Tables
• Chapter 1: Introduction
  • Theoretical Basis
  • Definitions: Race and Racism
  • Racism and Multiracial Adults
  • Research Summary of Multiracial Challenges and Resilience
  • Race-related Challenges
  • Positive Adaptations
  • Shih and Sanchez (2005): A comprehensive literature review
  • Current measures
  • Conclusion
• Chapter 2: Review of the Literature
  • Resilience Theory and Critical Race Theory
    • Resilience Theory
    • Resilience and Critical Race Theory
  • Race-related Challenges
    • Racism
    • Social Invalidation
    • Negative Psychological Outcomes
  • Resilience Gained Through Multiracial Experience
    • Enhanced Social Functioning
    • Positive Psychological Outcomes
  • Shih and Sanchez (2005): A comprehensive Literature Review
  • Current Measures
  • Conclusion
• Chapter 3: Method and Results
  • Phase One: MCRS Item Development
    • Phase One Method
    • Phase One Hypotheses
    • Phase One Results
  • Phase Two: Factor Analyses and Initial Reliability and Validity Estimates
    • Phase Two Method
      • Participants
      • Procedure
      • Measures
      • Phase Two Hypotheses
      • Phase Two Analyses
      • Phase Two Results
      • Demographic Information for Sample A
      • Factor analyses for Challenges Scale: Sample A
      • Demographic information for Sample B
      • Factor analyses for Challenges Scale: Sample B
      • Factor analyses for Resilience Scale: Sample A
      • Factor analyses for Resilience Scale: Sample B

  • Description of Factors on the Multiracial Challenges and Resilience Scale
  • Descriptive Analyses: Description of Sample
  • Relationships Between Factors on the MCRS
    • Phase Three: Additional Reliability Estimates

      • Phase Three Method
        • Participants
        • Procedures
        • Measures
      • Phase Three Hypotheses
      • Phase Three Analysis
      • Phase Three Results
    • Post Hoc Analyses
      • Assessment of Mean Differences in MCRS scores
      • Assessment of the Usefulness of MCRS Subscales as Predictors of Self-esteem
      • Further investigation of the relationships of Disconnection and Multiracial
      • Pride with Self-esteem
• Chapter 4: Discussion
  • Description of sample
  • Potential Biases in the Data Due to Sampling Procedure
  • Hypothesized and actual factor structures of MCRS
  • Convergent and Discriminant Validity of the MCRS
  • Test Re-test Reliability
  • Post-hoc Analyses
  • Future Research and Possible Interventions
  • Limitations
  • Conclusion
• APPENDIX A: Multiracial Challenges and Resilience Scale
• APPENDIX B: Social Connectedness Scale
• APPENDIX C: Satisfaction with Life Scale
• APPENDIX D: Center for Epidemiological Studies-Depression Scale
• APPENDIX E: Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure
• APPENDIX F: Social Self-efficacy Scale
• APPENDIX G: Rosenberg Self-esteem Scale
• APPENDIX H: Order
• APPENDIX I: Marlowe-Crown Social Desirability Scale Form C
• APPENDIX J: Demographic Questionnaire
• References

LIST OF TABLES

• Table 1. Final items retained on Challenges scale for Sample A and Sample B
• Table 2. Final items retained on Resilience scale for Sample A and Sample B
• Table 3. Bivariate Correlations Among Scales and Internal Consistency Estimates,Means, Standard Deviations, Actual Ranges, and Possible Ranges of Measured Variables
• Table 4. Test Re-test Reliability Estimates for the Multiracial Risk and Resilience Subscales and Actual Range, Possible Range, and Alpha Coefficients
• Table 5. Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses Predicting Self-esteem
• Table 6. Summary of Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analyses Testing Multiracial Pride as a Moderator between Disconnection from Family and Friends and Self-esteem
• Table 7. Summary of Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analyses Testing Self-esteem as a Moderator between Disconnection from Family and Friends and Multiracial Pride

Read the entire dissertation here.

100% Multiracial

UrbanFaith.com
2010-06-11

Kyle Waalen

The latest Census estimates show that multiracial people are the fastest growing demographic group in the United States. Yet many still struggle with the question of how many boxes to check. Two Christian women share about the tension and joy of being young and multiracial in America.

Kristy McDonald and Alicia Edison have a lot in common. They are both 27, both Christian women, and they are both children of an African American father and Caucasian mother. If we’re living in a multiracial world, as current demographic trends reveal, then Kristy and Alicia reflect the new face of American society. But is America ready?

The 2010 U.S. Census has reignited the debate about how society pressures multiracial people to choose one race over the other. In fact, President Obama made headlines when he selected “Black” on his census form rather than checking multiple boxes. The boxes we choose indicate more than just the color of our skin. For many reasons, racial identity still matters in America.

UrbanFaith’s Kyle Waalen asked Kristy, a caregiver at a group home for adults with disabilities in Fort Wayne, Indiana, and Alicia, a Ph.D. student in sociology at the University of North Texas, to offer their personal perspectives on the challenges of being a mixed-race person in a multiracial society that hasn’t yet figured out how to be multiracial…

…Do ever feel that, as a multiracial person, you fall between the cracks when it comes to racial labels?

KRISTY: First of all, I am multiracial, but my skin tone is very light. When I was younger, I was part of a club at my local YMCA. It was designed to help African American girls make good choices about going to college and doing well in school. When guest speakers came to talk to us, they didn’t know what to think about my skin color. All the other girls at the club where dark-skinned, but I was not.

ALICIA: A multiracial person may fall through the cracks if they choose not to define themselves within the categories that society assigns. On most forms, we are given an alternative of choosing “other.” “Other” is not okay. It is not sufficient. “Other” means that we will continue to be marginalized and that we don’t count. We should be given the option to name ourselves when and how we choose…

Read the entire article here.

The Impact of the Media on Biracial Identity Formation

University of North Texas
December 2007
93 pages
OCLC: 227035319 | 
ARK: ark:/67531/metadc5185

Alicia Edison

Thesis Prepared for the Degree of Master of Science

Biracial individuals undergo a developmental process that is different than monoracial individuals. Not only do they have to develop a strong and cohesive self-esteem, but also develop a strong and cohesive racial identity to have a healthy self-concept. The media is a social structure that has infiltrated into many aspects of American lives, including their racial identity. The media perpetuates current beliefs concerning race and racial identity. This research investigates how biracial identity has been portrayed in the media. Historically, biracial individuals have been portrayed as the tragic “mulatto” because of their confused racial background. In addition, mulatto women have been stereotyped as exotic and sexual objects. A content analysis was used to investigate how the media presents biracial identity. Only movies with black/white biracial individuals were watched. The categories under study included perceived race, character’s race, skin color, likeability, sex appeal, ability to contribute, ability to be violent, mental health, overall positive portrayal social, and negative portrayal score. This study may suggest that the media is making attempts to rectify old stereotypes. Overall, this study does demonstrate that the media portrays biracial and black characters differently in film. One overarching theme from these results implies that the perception of race is more salient than one’s actual race.

Table of Contents

• LIST OF TABLES
• INTRODUCTION
• LITERATURE REVIEW
  • Race
  • History of Race Relations
  • One-Drop Rule
  • Importance of Racial Identity
  • Census
  • Choosing a Race
  • Identity Models
  • Factors in Biracial Identity Construction
  • Family
  • Other Factors
  • Identity Issues Facing Biracial Individuals
  • Well-Being
  • Media
• THEORY
• HYPOTHESES
• PROCEDURE
  • Interrater Reliability Score
  • Data Analysis
  • Results and Discussion
• LIMITATIONS
• CONCLUSIONS
• Appendices
  • A. EVALUATION FORM
  • B. INTERRATOR RELIABILITY SCORES
  • C. LIST OF ACTOR/ACTRESSES AND MOVIES
• REFERENCES

List of Tables

1. Percentage Distribution of Roles Played by Skin Color and Gender
2. Means, Standard Deviations, and One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) for Effects of Overall Positive Portrayal Score on Character’s Race
3. Means, Standard Deviations, and One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) for Effects of Overall Positive Portrayal Score on Perceived Race
4. Means, Standard Deviations, and One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) for Effects of Overall Negative Portrayal Score on Character’s Race
5. Means, Standard Deviations, and One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) for Effects of Overall Negative Portrayal Score on Perceived Race
6. Percentage Distribution of Roles Played by Women and Skin Color
7. Means, Standard Deviations, and One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) for Effects of Attractiveness by Character’s Race
8. Means, Standard Deviations, and One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) for Effects of Attractiveness by Perceived Race
9. Means, Standard Deviations, and One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) for Effects of Ability to Contribute by Character’s Race
10. Means, Standard Deviations, and One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) for Effects of Ability to Contribute by Perceived Race
11. Means, Standard Deviation, and One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) for Effect of Likeability by Character’s Race
12. Means, Standard Deviation, and t-Test for Equality for Means for Effect of Likeability by Perceived Race
13. Means, Standard Deviation, and One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) for Effect of Ability to be Violent by Character’s Race
14. Means, Standard Deviation, and t-Test for Equality of Means for Effect of Ability to be Violent by Perceived Race
15. Means, Standard Deviation, and t-Test for Equality of Means for Effect of Skin Color by Character’s Race
16. Means, Standard Deviation, and t-Test for Equality of Means for Effect of Skin Color by Perceived Race

Read the entire thesis here.

Gender, Work and Fears of a ‘Hybrid Race’ in 1920s New Zealand

Gender & History
Volume 19, Issue 3 (November 2007)
pages 501–518
DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-0424.2007.00495.x

Barbara Brookes, Professor of History
Otago University, New Zealand

The 1929 New Zealand Committee of Inquiry into the Employment of Māori on Market Gardens affords insight into the ways in which masculine fears of racial degradation through miscegenation—of a ‘hybrid’ Chinese/Māori race—operated within a hierarchy of race, gender and Iwi (tribal) interests. The participation of Māori men in national politics contributed to a new articulation of ‘National Manhood’, in which Māori men and white men combined to express fears about women’s work and sexuality and young women’s potential to undermine a fragile and contested hierarchy of racial purity. Māori women, silenced in the cacophony of voices lamenting their plight, were at the centre of debates between Māori men, Pakeha (white New Zealander) employers, Chinese market gardeners, Anglican and Methodist interests and Pakeha women’s groups. I argue that the Inquiry was about commerce, both in a business and a sexual sense. As a historical episode, it also serves to complicate the picture of New Zealand as a historically bicultural society, made up only of Māori and Pakeha, by signalling the importance of the Chinese in debates about national belonging.

Read or purchase the article here.

Righteous Fathers, Vulnerable Old Men and Degraded Creatures: Southern Justices on Miscegenation in the Antebellum Will Contest

Tulsa Law Review
Volume 40 (2005)
pages 699-

Bernie D. Jones, Associate Professor of Law
Suffolk University

Although scholars have long addressed the role of legislators and local elites in policing the color line between black and white, antebellum jurists hearing will contests also played a special role, different from the roles they played in miscegenation prosecutions, but just as effective, nonetheless. State court justices, who heard cases involving bequests to the putative slave children of slaveholding elite men, exercised their power to police by deciding when the color line had been breached. In those cases, miscegenation between white men and slave women or free women of color was not the problem, however. Instead, the color line was breached in those cases when white men recognized and accorded slave women and their mixed-race children status through manumission and property. Official recognition by white relatives meant access to whiteness. Black personal freedom, combined with access to money and land, were threats to the social order of slavery and white supremacy. Free blacks were deemed uncontrollable and arrogant, particularly when they had money. They were perceived as a bad influence upon the bonded. In the eyes of many jurists, wealthy free black status was to be denied at all costs, for the benefit of the white social order, and the white relatives or creditors seeking to establish their claim to the decedent’s estate.

In this article, I explore the attitudes of antebellum jurists towards slavery, miscegenation, and the transfer of property from elite white men to black slave women, free women of color, and their mixed-race children, as found in antebellum will contests. This article is a historical study, in which I do a case-by-case analysis and categorization of the language used by state high court justices of the South in describing the white men who left wills that gave property to black women and their children. Although these cases have been studied by historians and legal scholars in other contexts, reading these cases for the purpose of discovering judicial narratives on miscegenation has not been the focus on inquiry. As a result, scholarship on the full flavor of judicial responses to slavery is missing.

Read the entire article here.

What’s in a Name? Mixed-Race Families and Resistance to Racial Codification in Eighteenth-Century France

French Historical Studies
Volume 33, Number 3 (2010)
Pages 357-385
DOI: 10.1215/00161071-2010-002

Jennifer L. Palmer, Collegiate Assistant Professor of History
University of Chicago

The Saint-Domingue planter Aimé-Benjamin Fleuriau did not simply leave colonialism behind when he returned to his hometown La Rochelle: he literally brought some of its complications with him. Five of his mixed-race children by his former slave Jeanne arrived with or soon after their white father. The very existence of this family complicated an increasingly easy equation between blackness and slavery, and for both the planter and his children, family ties shaped their experience of race and status. In the midst of growing racial paranoia in France and legislation that regulated all people of color, Fleuriau and his daughter Marie-Jeanne privileged family over race as a means of carving out a position of autonomy for themselves in French society, albeit in very different ways and for very different reasons. In doing so, they shaped what the category “family” meant in France.

Aimé-Benjamin Fleuriau, ex–résident blanc de Saint-Domingue, au lieu d’abandonner le colonialisme après son retour à La Rochelle, a rapporté avec lui certaines des complications coloniales. Cinq des enfants métisses qu’il a eus avec son ancienne esclave Jeanne sont arrivés avec lui, ou peu après. L’existence même de cette famille a compliqué le lien évident entre la négritude et l’esclavage. Pour le planteur et ses enfants les liens familiaux ont informé leur manière d’assumer leur race et leur position sociale. Au milieu de la paranoïa raciale croissante en France au dixhuitième siècle et la législation qui réglementait tous gens de couleur, Fleuriau et sa fille Marie-Jeanne ont privilégié les liens familiaux plutôt que raciaux afin de créer une position d’autonomie dans la société française, bien que par des moyens et pour des raisons très différents. Ils ont ainsi façonné la catégorie « famille » en France.

Read or purchase the article here.

It’s a wonderful, mixed-up world

The Daily Telegraph
2009-11-01

Aarathi Prasad

There are now more mixed-race children than ever before—and that is something for us all to celebate, says the scientist Aarathi Prasad

Just two weeks ago in Louisiana, an American Justice of the Peace made international news for refusing to issue marriage licences to couples who were not of the same race. He said he had taken the decision because he believed that mixed-race children would not be accepted by their parents’ communities. Whether this was genuine concern for a real social problem or was born of a more atavistic notion that there is something inherently, biologically wrong with mixing races, we can only speculate. Either way, his position was quite illegal, and his conduct is being challenged.

The sentiment, however, is one that is also shared much closer to home. Nick Griffin, the chairman of the BNP and a member of the European Parliament, has made his party’s stance on mixed-race children clear. Miscegenation, he says, is “essentially unnatural and destructive”, and mixed-race children “are the most tragic victims of enforced multi-racism”. The BNP says that it does not, nor will it ever, “accept miscegenation as moral or normal.”

As a person from the Indian ethnic minority in this country, I am sorry to say that I am familiar with this attitude. The most recent census in England and Wales found that people from my South Asian background were the least likely of the minorities to be married to someone from a different ethnic group.

Our relatively low inter-marriage rate might be explained by our cultural as well as racial differences, and our predilection for holding tightly to our caste systems and religions. When someone like me chooses a partner of another race, some family member is guaranteed to ask the same question as that Louisiana Justice of the Peace: “But what will the children be?”

I can answer that question now. The answer is that my daughter, and approximately 400,000 other children like her in Britain today, is mixed race. Families like mine are on the rise – nearly one in 10 British children now lives in a mixed-race family, a figure that is six times higher than it was when I was a child. In fact, mixed race people are the fastest-growing minority in this country, a trend that is set to continue. Even in my community, traditionally inward-looking when it comes to choosing partners, the proportion of mixed marriages has increased from 3 per cent to 11 per cent in the space of just 14 years…

…But the combination of inbreeding being bad and diversity being good has flung open the doors for another claim about what it means to be mixed-race. The idea sounds simple enough. If inbreeding is bad, then the opposite – outbreeding – should be good. It makes sense, some suggest, that people might be genetically better off if they were mixed race. The anecdotal evidence is writ large in the over-representation of Britain’s tiny mixed-race population in the arts, music, modelling and sport. Mixed-race people account for 30 per cent of the current England football team in a country where they make up only 2 per cent of the general population…

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Variability and Racial Mixture

The American Naturalist
Volume 61, Number 672 (Jan. – Feb., 1927)
paages 68-81

Melville J. Herskovits (1895-1963), Professor of Anthropology and African Studies
Northwestern University

[Read a biographical memoir by Joseph C. Greenberg here.]

[From Northwestern University: In 1948, Herskovits founded the Program of African Studies (PAS) at Northwestern, the first and foremost center of its kind at a major research university in the United States with a grant from the Carnegie Corporation of New York.]

The biometric method has come to lay great stress on the variability of populations of their development and in the discovery of the applicability of the findings of the geneticist to human populations.  One of the hypotheses which has gone hand in hand with the use of the concept of variability is what where there is a greater variation in one of two populations, that which has the larger represent the greater amount of mixture.  And when “mixture” is spoken of, the connotation is that of “racial mixture.”  The logical conclusion is that the “pure race” is that which show the lowest variability, and that when large variation is found in a population, this means it is the result of a great amount of race-crossing.

We see that this assumption is a real one in the minds of biologists and biometricians when we consider some of the  statements which have been recently made regarding this matter. Thus, in a paper published a short time ago, Castle remarks that “… as heterosis disappears, the population of later generations will be intermediate in character, and probably more variable that either uncrossed  race.”  Wissler, in a consideration of the subject of variability, remarks that “what he have… in a population unit is a number of types or pure lines, thrown together, each with its own range of variability, and these variabilities have a way of combining so as to increase the variability of the whole… As often said, the range of stature will be grater among mixed races.  This is, in fact, a recognized law of biology.”…

Read or purchase the article here.

Soul Search

The Post
Cork, Ireland
2010-09-05

Nadine O’Regan

When poet and novelist Jackie Kay started the search for her birth parents, she didn’t realise how traumatic a journey it would be, though she doesn’t regret doing it.

Jackie Kay met her birth father for the first time in a hotel room in Abuja, Nigeria, in 2003. Then in her early 40s,Kay was expectant, excited and nervous. She had brought him a present, an expensive watch.

However, before they could talk, her father, a born-again Christian, said there was something he had to do. For more than an hour, he prayed, frantically whirling, wild-eyed, like a dervish around the room, asking the Lord to cleanse the sin before him.

In her new memoir, Red Dust Road, which paints a vivid portrait of her search for her birth parents, Kay, an atheist, describes how her tears began to flood down her face as she understood that the sin being referred to was herself. ‘‘I realise with a fresh horror that Jonathan is seeing me as the sin, me as impure, me the bastard, illegitimate.”…

…Assembled in a kind of jigsaw manner – with events nipping back and forth across the years – Red Dust Road combines a compelling search story with a vivid portrait of struggling to deal with issues of race and roots. Long-term fans of Kay’s work will spy occasional references to her break-up with her lover of 15 years, British poet laureate Carol Ann Duffy, and get a sense of her current life: living in a terraced house in Chorlton, Manchester, teaching part time at the University of Newcastle and bringing up a university-age son…

…Born in 1961 to a Scottish nurse and a Nigerian student, Kay was adopted at the age of five months, and grew up as the daughter of two colourful, outspoken, lifelong socialists: her adoptive father was a member of the Communist Party and her mother was the Scottish secretary of CND…

…Absorbing the fact of her adoption wasn’t the only issue Kay had to face during her childhood. She was also mixed race in 1970s Glasgow – ‘‘Being black in a white country makes you a stranger to yourself’’ – and gay at a time when nobody was allowed to be.

‘‘We live in a society where people have civil partnerships and people understand what the word ‘homophobia’ means and gay people have children openly,” she says. ‘‘But when I told my mum, that was really unusual, and she was really quite shocked.”

Kay began writing poetry at the age of 12, as a response to the racist names she was called and the beatings she received. ‘‘I found writing to be a sanctuary. I’d write a little poem as revenge.”…

Read the entire article here.

Mentality of Racial Hybrids

American Journal of Sociology
Volume 36, Number 4 (January 1931)
pages 534-551
DOI: 10.1086/215474

Robert E. Park (1864-1944), Professor of Sociology
University of Chicago

Racial hybrids are one of the natural and inevitable results of migration and the consequent mingling of divergent racial stocks.  The motives bringing peoples of divergent races and cultures together are, in the first instance, economic.  In the long run, economic intercourse enforces more intimate personal and cultural relations, and eventually amalgamation takes place.  When the peoples involved are widely different in culture and in racial characteristics, and particularly when they are distinguished by physical marks, assimilation and amalgamation take place very slowly.  When the resulting hybrid peoples exhibit physical traits that mark them off and distinguish them from both parent-stocks, the mixed bloods are likely to constitute a distinct caste or class occupying a position and status midway between the two races of which they are composed.  The mixed bloods tend everywhere to be, as compared with the full bloods with whom they are identified, an intellectual and professional class.  The most obvious and generally accepted explanation of the superiority of the mixed bloods is that the former are products of two races, one of which is biologically inferior and the other biologically superior.  In the case of the Negro-white hybrids in the United States, other and less obvious explanations have been offered.  It has been pointed out, for example, that the mulatto is the result of a social selection which began during the period of slavery, when the dominant whites selected for their concubines the most comely, and presumably the superior, women among the Negroes.  There is, however, the fact to be considered that in a society where racial distinctions are rigidly maintained, the mixed blood tends to be be keenly conscious of his position.  He feels, as he frequently says, the conflict of warring ancestry in his veins.  The conflict of color is embodied, so to speak, in his person.  His mind is the melting pot in which the lower and higher cultures meet and fuse…

Read or purchase the article here.