Mixed Race Studies

To Disclose or Not to Disclose Biracial Identity: The Effect of Biracial Disclosure on Perceiver Evaluations and Target Responses

Journal of Social Issues
Volume 65, Number 1 (March 2009)
pages 129-149
DOI: 10.1111/j.1540-4560.2008.01591.x

Diana T. Sanchez, Associate Professor of Psychology
Rutgers University

Courtney M. Bonam
Stanford University

Are biracial people perceived more negatively than their monoracial counterparts? Across two studies, we compared ratings of warmth, competence, and minority scholarship worthiness for biracial (Study 1: Black/White, Study 2: Asian/White), White, and minority (Study 1: Black, Study 2: Asian) college applicants.  Findings suggest that both biracial applicants were perceived as colder and sometimes less competent than both White and corresponding minority applicants.  Moreover, biracial people were also perceived as less qualified for minority scholarships than other racial minorities, which is partially explained by penalties to warmth and competence. Study 3 shows that disclosing one’s biracial identity makes biracial people vulnerable to negative feedback.  Taken together, these studies suggest that biracial people who disclose their biracial identity experience bias from perceivers and may be more vulnerable to that bias because of the personal nature of racial disclosure.  Findings are discussed considering the stereotype content model (Cuddy, Fiske, & Glick, 2007), cultural stereotypes about biracial people (Jackman, Wagner, & Johnson, 2001), and the costs of disclosing devalued identities.

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Plus ça Change? Multiraciality and the Dynamics of Race Relations in the United States

Journal of Social Issues
Volume 65, Number 1 (March 2009)
pages 205-219
DOI: 10.1111/j.1540-4560.2008.01595.x

Frank D. Bean, Chancellor’s Professor
School of Social Sciences
University of California, Irvine

Jennifer Lee, Associate Professor, Sociology
School of Social Sciences
University of California, Irvine

The issue of race has long cast a shadow on the founding mythology of the United States, but today some scholars argue race is declining in significance, as evidenced by the rise of interracial unions and the fact that the offspring of such unions can now officially acknowledge their mixed-race backgrounds. However, the sizeable growth of the Asian and Latino populations in the United States through immigration complicates the issue. Seemingly neither black nor white, the new immigrants are generating increased diversity and raising questions about whether today’s color line replicates the old Black–White demarcation.  The research results introduced in this article suggest the contemporary color line in the United States more reflects a Black/non-Black division than a White/non-White one.

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Exploring Multiracial Individuals’ Comfort with Intimate Interracial Relationships

Journal of Social Issues
Volume 65, Number 1 (2009)
pp. 87–103

Courtney M. Bonam
Stanford University

Margaret Shih, Assistant Professor, Organizational Psychology
University of Michigan

This article explores the relationship between a heightened awareness of race as a social construct and comfort in interracial relationships across varying levels of intimacy among multiracial and monoracial individuals. Study 1 finds that multiracial individuals express higher levels of comfort in intimate interracial relationships than monoracial White and minority individuals. Study 2 finds that belief in race as a social construction mediates the differences between monoracial and multiracial individuals in their comfort in intimate interracial relationships.  Implications of these findings for interracial relationships are discussed.

Interracial relationships in the United States, while on the rise, are still relatively uncommon. Research finds people are more likely to live near (Massey & Denton, 1993; Zubrinsky Charles, 2003), marry (Crary, 2007; Fu, 2001; Lee & Fernandez, 1998; Qian & Lichter, 2001; Root, 2001; Tucker & Mitchell-Kernan, 1990), and develop friendships (Hallinan & Williams, 1989; Moody, 2001; Olfson et al., 2000; Quillian & Campbell, 2003; Tatum, 1997) with those who are ethnically and racially similar to themselves than those who are not. In addition, research suggests that the few interracial relationships that do form tend to be more superficial in nature than relationships between those from the same ethnic/racial background (Sigelman, Bledsoe, Welch, & Combs, 1996; Welch, Sigelman, Bledsoe, & Combs, 2001).  Towles-Schwen and Fazio (2003) found that people’s comfort with interracial relationships tends to be greater at lower levels of intimacy than at higher levels. This may impact the type of interactions that may occur in interracial relationships.  For example, Welch and colleagues (2001) found White families rarely enter the homes of their Black neighbors even though they may have frequent positive interactions and consider these families to be part of their social network.

While this evidence suggests people in the general population are less comfortable with more intimate interracial relationships, the bulk of this research has focused on monoracial populations.We propose these interracial relationship patterns are less likely to be observed among multiracial individuals.  Specifically, multiracial individuals will report more comfort with intimate interracial relationships than will monoracial people of White or minority descent…

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Multiracial Identity Integration: Perceptions of Conflict and Distance among Multiracial Individuals

Journal of Social Issues
Vol. 65, No. 1, 2009
pp. 51–68

Chi-Ying Cheng, Assistant Professor of Psychology
Singapore Management University

Fiona Lee, Professor of Psychology
University of Michigan

This article examines how multiracial individuals negotiate their different and sometimes conflicting racial identities. Drawing from previous work on bicultural identity integration (see Benet-Martınez & Haritatos, 2005), we proposed a new construct, multiracial identity integration (MII), to measure individual differences in perceptions of compatibility between multiple racial identities. We found that MII is composed of two independent subscales: racial distance that describes whether different racial identities are perceived as disparate, and racial conflict that describes whether different racial identities are perceived as in conflict.  We also found that recalling positive multiracial experiences increased MII, while recalling negative multiracial experiences decreased MII.  These findings have implications for understanding the psychological well-being of multiracial individuals, and the development of social policy and programs catered to this population.

In today’s increasingly global, mobile, and racially integrated world, more and more people identify with and claim membership in more than one racial group, making the multiracial population a noteworthy demographic group in the United States (Rockquemore, Brunsma, & Delgado, 2009; Shih & Sanchez, 2005). As a response, a federal task force was created to examine whether census forms should include a new racial classification of “multiracial” (Holmes, 1997). This demographic trend challenges traditional notions that racial categories are discrete, extends current thinking about intergroup racial relations, and has important implications for political and social policy (Pittinsky & Montoya, 2009; Shih & Sanchez, 2009).

Even though multiracial individuals do not necessarily have lower levels of psychological well-being and social adjustment, they face unique challenges in managing two or more different racial identities (Shih & Sanchez, 2005).  For example, multiracial individuals are more likely to encounter disapproval and discrimination from their extended families, neighborhoods, and larger communities (Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995). They are also more likely to experience social isolation (Brown, 1995; Gaskins, 1999; Nakashima, 1996).  In this article, we investigate how multiracial individuals reconcile the differences and tensions between their different racial identities, and how these dynamics are influenced by their racial experiences…

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The Interpretation of Multiracial Status and Its Relation to Social Engagementand Psychological Well-Being

Journal of Social Issues
Volume 65, Number1, (March 2009)
pages 35-49
DOI: 10.1111/j.1540-4560.2008.01586.x

Kevin R. Binning
Stanford University

Miguel M. Unzueta
University of California, Los Angeles

Yuen J. Huo
University of California, Los Angeles

Ludwin E. Molina
University of Kansas

This research examines how multiracial individuals chose to identify themselves with respect to their racial identity and how this choice relates to their self-reported psychological well-being (e.g., self-esteem, positive affect) and level of social engagement (e.g., citizenship behaviors, group alienation). High school students who belong to multiple racial/ethnic groups (N = 182) were asked to indicate the group with which they primarily identify. Participants were then classified as identifying with a low-status group (i.e., Black or Latino), a high-status group (i.e., Asian or White), or multiple groups (e.g., Black and White, etc.). Results showed that, compared with multiracial individuals who identified primarily with a low- or high-status group, those who identified with multiple groups tended to report either equal or higher psychological well-being and social engagement.  Potential explanations and implications for understanding multiracial identity are discussed.

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Is Valuing Equality Enough? Equality Values, Allophilia, and Social Policy Support for Multiracial Individuals

Journal of Social Issues
Volume 65, Number 1 (March 2009)
pages 151-163
DOI: 10.1111/j.1540-4560.2008.01592.x

Todd L. Pittinsky, Professor of Technology and Society
State University of New York, Stony Brook

R. Matthew Montoya, Assistant Professor of Psychology
University of Dayton, Dayton, Ohio

We conducted a field study to investigate positive intergroup attitudes (i.e., allophilia) and equality values as potential antecedents of social policy support for multiracial individuals. Participants (N = 97) reported their social policy support for multiracial individuals in two ways—support for the recognition of “multiracial” as a distinct racial category (recognition) and support for multiracial individuals’ access to programs and policies (assistance). Results revealed that allophilia motivated those who held equality beliefs to support social policies for multiracial individuals. Implications of these findings for theories of positive intergroup relations, as well as the processes that may underlie progress for multiracial individuals, are discussed.

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Educational Policy, Politics, and Mixed Heritage Students in the United States

Journal of Social Issues
Volume 65, Number 1 (March 2009)
pages 165-183
DOI: 10.1111/j.1540-4560.2008.01593.x

Kristen A. Renn, Professor of Higher, Adult, & Lifelong Education
Michigan State University

This article describes local, state, and federal policies related to collecting, aggregating, and reporting data on student race and ethnicity in U.S. K-12 and postsecondary education. It traces data policy from the 1997 decision by the Office of Management and Budget to change from single-race reporting to a format that permits respondents to choose more than one race, to the October 2007 issuance of final guidance from the Department of Education. Taking a K-20 perspective, I consider how policies for data collection and reporting may affect educational and developmental outcomes for students, as well as local, state, and national education policy environments.

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How Understanding Interracial Families Contributes to Our Understanding of Race and Family

Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association
Montreal Convention Center
Montreal, Quebec, Canada
2006-08-11

22 pages

Jessica Mills

In family sociology, racial differences have long been viewed as a defining feature of family life. Yet, the treatment of the family/race relationship in mainstream sociology has had major limitations. Many family scholars today are challenging the conventional wisdom about race and the family.  Their approaches to the matter of racial differences in family life have begun to refocus the family field.  This paper will provide a brief retrospective and prospective view of contemporary thought, analysis, and supporting research in the family field. It will also synthesize current sociological work on interracial families and assess its usefulness for advancing both family studies and the field of race.

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Race, Multirace, and Racial Heterogeneity of Friends

Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, TBA
New York, New York City
2007-08-11

27 pages

Bethany Hashiguchi

Are biracial youth more likely to be in racially heterogeneous friendship networks than single race youth, and do they act as catalysts for decreased social distance? Using a sample of youth in grades 7-12 in 1994-1995 from the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Youth, I study the effects of race and school context on racial diversity of friendship networks to answer these questions.  I find that biracial and Hispanic youth are more likely to report heterogeneous friendship groups than non-Hispanic single race youth. In addition, school racial composition is important in determining the relationship between race and friendship heterogeneity.  These results suggest that biracial and Hispanic youth bridge the social distance among different single race groups and help weaken social boundaries between racial groups by fostering interracial interactions.

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The Multiple Race Population: Is it Increasing or Decreasing?

Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association
Montreal Convention Center
Montreal, Quebec, Canada
2006-08-11

15 pages

Reynolds Farley, Research Professor Emeritus
Population Studies Center and Sociology Department
University of Michigan

A vibrant social movement developed in the 1990s, argued that many Americans had parents from differences races and that the federal statistical system should not classify persons into only one race. They succeeded in effecting the most dramatic change ever to occur in the measurement of race since Office of Management and Budget ruled in 1997 that the census and federal agencies must allow persons to identify with as many races as they wished.

Census 2000 found that one American in 40 identified with two or more races.  Because of increases in interracial marriage, a growth of the multiple race population was anticipated. The Census Bureau’s annual American Community Survey asks the race question to a sample of 800,000 households.  The percent identifying with two or more races decreased from 2.4 percent in 2000 to 1.9 percent four years later.

Census Bureau surveys report a substantial change in the racial identity selected by those who identify themselves as Spanish/Hispanic/Latino.  The percent of Hispanics who used a Spanish term for their race increased from 29 percent in 2000 to 36 percent in 2004. Without doubt Hispanics are increasing using a Spanish term as their racial identity.

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