Mixed Race Studies

Much of South America and Mexico is today inhabited by a mongrel race white-black-red mixture, one of the most undesirable racial intermixtures known, as I can testify from my own observation of similar groups in Virginia.

W.A. Plecker, “The New Family and Race Improvement,” Virginia Department of Health: Virginia Health Bulletin, (Volume 17, Extra Number 12 (8), 1925). 17. (Source: DNA Learning Center). http://www.dnalc.org/http://www.dnalc.org/view/11280–The-New-Family-and-Race-Improvement-by-W-A-Plecker-Virginia-Health-Bulletin-vol-17-12-8-.html.

A German doctor [Johann Friedrich Blumenbach] in 1776 divided the human species into five races. Today, nearly two and a half centuries later, these are the same five races into which the U.S. Census divides the American population, making America the only country in the world firmly wedded to an eighteenth-century racial taxonomy. Embedded in this science were theories of a racial hierarchy: there were not just different races but superior and inferior races. American politics and policy held onto this assumption for nearly two centuries.

Kenneth Prewitt, What Is Your Race? The Census and Our Flawed Efforts to Classify Americans, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013). 8.

…I encountered a challenge to my beliefs about multi-race studies when I began to read Rainier Spencer’s (1999) ideas. He is boldly critical of multi-race theory, which pushed me to think critically about my own understandings of multiracialism. In his book, Spurious Issues: Race and Multiracial Identity Politics in the United States, Spencer (1999) starts: “‘You’re not worried about me marrying your daughter,’ James Baldwin told a White southerner during a television debate. ‘You’re worried about me marrying your wife’s daughter. I’ve been marrying your daughter even since the days of slavery’” (p. 1). This quote re-ignites the reality of White superiority directly into one of society’s most personal, yet significantly political, spaces: marriage. Spencer does not hesitate to be confrontational about how historically oppressive and unreliable notions of multiracialism are, if we are ever to become a society without racism. He discusses how multiracial and antiracial ideologies could disrupt the U.S. racial ordering of society by asking “how can mixed-race or multiracial persons place themselves with consistency and meaning within that system?” (p. 5). The pain and frustration associated with multi-racialism remains as long as the myth of race remains. Spencer believes it is well past time to begin problematizing race categories altogether. He believes we must move away from classifications of people and promotes the ideology that we are all members of the human race…

Sonia Janis,“Am I Enough? A Multi-Race Teacher’s Experience In-Between Contested Race, Gender, Class, and Power,” Journal of Curriculum Theorizing, (Volume 28, Number 3, 2012). 134-135. http://journal.jctonline.org/index.php/jct/article/view/386

Race works through a type of “common sense” that is based on individual experiences, cultural norms, (misunderstandings of) history, the law, politics, as well as psychological motivations and decision-making that operate on both a conscious and subconscious level. In total, the race business is a type of magic and pseudo-science. This makes it no less real or important.

Chauncey DeVega, “‘I Thought He was White You Know a Regular American’: The Boston Marathon Bombing Shows Us How White Privilege Hurts White People… Again,” We Are Respectable Negroes, (April 19, 2013). http://wearerespectablenegroes.blogspot.com/2013/04/i-thought-he-was-white-you-know-regular.html.

The general inferiority of the mixed stock has passed into a proverb even in Africa, where it is said: “A god created the whites; I know not who created the blacks; certainly a devil created the mongrels.” So reports Livingstone (quoted by Lombroso), and adds that he had seen but one Portuguese Mestizo of robust health. In Brazil it is held that the mingling of Indian with Latin blood has not produced evil results, but everywhere else such remote crossings have been more or less disastrous. Strikingly is this the case with the Zambos—the mixture of Indian and Negro; they are mainly degenerates and degraded. Thus E. G. Squier, writing of Honduras in the Encyclopædia Britannica, Vol. XII., says: “A small part of the coast, above Cape Gracias, is occupied by the Sambos, a mixed race of Indians and Negroes, which, however, is fast disappearing.” In Mexico, Central and South America, the half-breeds are everywhere stationary or declining. In India the Eurasians (20,000 in Calcutta) “touch a level of degradation which is far lower than any reached by the pure heathen about them. They inherit defects more conspicuously than virtues from both races from which they spring” (Pop. Sci. Mon., Nov., 1892). In Japan the inferior Ainos are passing away before the superior Japanese. The hybrids are never healthy or vigorous, and vanish with the third or fourth generation. Here, in the United States, the testimony is all against the Mulatto. In a report of the Provost-Marshal General, the opinions of physicians stand eleven to one against the Mulatto as “scrofulous and consumptive,” “degenerated physically,” and the one favourable judgement reposes on only two instances. The anthropometry of the Mulatto is decidedly against him. His average lung capacity, the most significant of measurements, was found by Gould to be only 158.9 cubic inches against 163.5 for the pure Black, and 184.7 for the White. His respiration rate was equally unfavourable, being 19 per minute against 17.7 for the pure Black, and 16.4 for the White. We refer, also, to the testimony of Dr. Shaler (p. 52), that he had never known a Mulatto to pass threescore. The writer remembers the first use he ever heard of the word “cachectic;” his father spoke of it as a term generally applicable to Mulattoes.

From the convergence of all such testimony, which may be multiplied indefinitely, there seems no escape whatever. We must concede, with Lombroso: “It is impossible to contemplate these facts without admitting that marriages between some human races are much less fertile and happy than between others;” and especially unfortunate are those between such extremes as Whites and Negroes. When such anthropologists as Waitz, Serres, Deschamps, Bodichon, anticipate a millennium from universal miscegenation, it is only sentimentalism or else forgetfulness of the distinction drawn so properly by Topinard (Éléments d’Anthropologie générale, 1885) between the intermingling of nearly related and of distantly related races. In the first case the result is, in general, certainly good; in the latter, it is quite as certainly bad.

But let us now, merely for the moment and for the sake of argument, admit that both our premises are in doubt; that, perhaps, after all the Negro is not inferior organically—mentally, morally, or physically—to the Caucasian, and that interfertility might, perhaps, work no deterioration; would the case be essentially altered? Assuredly not. For even then the most extreme negrophilist must still admit that there is, at least, a reasonable doubt; even if the Negro be not proved inferior, yet he is certainly not proved equal, and there is a large body of at least apparent evidence against him; even if it be not certain that miscegenation would work deterioration, it is at least very possible and seemingly probable. Who, then, would have the foolhardihood to make this experiment of race amalgamation—an experiment which, once made, is made forever; whose consequences could never be undone—when there is at least and at the very lowest an undeniable possibility, not to say certainty, that those consequences would be disastrous in the extreme? Can we imagine a more wanton folly? Would such an experiment beseem any other place so well as the madhouse?

William Benjamin Smith, The Color Line: A Brief in Behalf of the Unborn, (New York: McClure, Phillips & Co., 1905). 67-70.

Race and ethnicity are neither scientifically reliable nor valid categories, and assignments to racial or ethnic categories are often based on observer biases, changing situational identities, and historical-political vagaries (Lee 1993; Kaplan and Bennett 2003; Williams 2007). In real life, people do not have only one fixed racial or ethnic identity which remains the same over time and space and that can be accurately measured. A further complication inherent in categorization is that people embrace biracial, multiracial, and multi-ethnic identities, which makes the categories even more difficult to sustain, compare, and enumerate. Current racial and ethnic categories for federal data collection are not sensitive to the complex intra-group heterogeneity that exists in the nation (Kaplan and Bennett 2003; Office of Management and Budget 1997).

Alison Stratton, Ava Nepaul, and Margaret Hynes, “Issue Brief – Race and Ethnicity Matters: Concepts and Challenges of Racial and Ethnic Classifications in Public Health,” The Connecticut Health Disparities Project, (Hartford, Connecticut: Connecticut Department of Public Health, Fall 2007). http://www.ct.gov/dph/lib/dph/hisr/pdf/race_and_ethnicity_matters.pdf.

But “Whiteness” has always only ever been exactly what “White people” want it to be. What part of the world a person is from has little to no affect on whether anyone thinks s/he is actually “White”, because “White” is a social class, not a place.

Adam Rothstein, “the changing face of ‘Caucasian’,” The Slate, (April 21, 2013). http://www.thestate.ae/the-changing-face-of-caucasian/.

I hope it is clear that opposing whiteness is not the same as opposing white people. White supremacy is an equal opportunity employer; nonwhite people can become active agents of white supremacy as well as passive participants in its hierarchies and rewards. One way of becoming an insider is by participating in the exclusion of other outsiders. An individual might even secure a seat on the Supreme Court on this basis. On the other hand, if not every white supremacist is white, it follows that not all white people have to become complicit with white supremacy—that there is an element of choice in all of this. White people always have the option of becoming antiracist, although not enough have done so. We do not choose our color, but we do choose our commitments. We do not choose our parents, but we do choose our politics. Yet we do not make these decisions in a vacuum; they occur within a social structure that gives value to whiteness and offers rewards for racism.

George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics (Revised and Expanded Edition) (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2006), viii.

Miscegenation in America started not in the thirteen original colonies but in Africa. English, French, Dutch and American slavetraders took black concubines on the Guinea coast and mated with females on the slave ships. It should be noted that many Africans and Europeans were themselves the products of thousands of years of mixing between various African, Asian and Caucasian peoples.

Lerone Bennett, Jr., “Negro History, Part X: Miscegenation in America,” Ebony Magazine, (October 1962) 94.

…When Jim and Edna married and settled into the world of Washington County [in 1914], it already had an almost century-old tradition of interracial marriage that led to a large community of mixed-race people who, though a known presence in the county, lived apart from blacks and whites nestled in their own world and culture.  Unlike the rest of Alabama, Washington  County, along with Mobile, maintained three separate school systems: one for whites, one for blacks and one for “those of racially mixed heritage.”…

…Yet, to most white people in Washington County, and some blacks, Jim and Edna Richardson and their children were neither black nor white; they were just known as “those Richardsons.”  The couple refused the local custom of designating their children as racially mixed.  And in spite of the children’s racial designation as white on their birth certificates, they also refused to identify themselves as white in spite of their outward appearance.  Instead, the family existed as an entity unto themselves, living as a black family that moved between the black and white worlds, rather than sealing themselves into the boxes that local people wanted to fit them in.  Perhaps that stand played a role in denying them a place in local history.  Although “those Richardsons” may not be present in the annals of local history, the active oral tradition of the American South has kept their life and times alive among the people…

Eubanks, W. Ralph, The House at the End of the Road: The Story of Three Generations of an Interacial Family in the American South. (New York: HarpersCollins. 2009) 11 & 30.